For Easter we have a description of religious ceremonies that took place in Jerusalem in 1860 which is extracted from: EGYPTIAN SEPULCHRES AND SYRIAN SHRINES, INCLUDING A VISIT TO PALMYRA. By: EMILY A. (BEAUFORT) VISCOUNTESS STRANGFORD, AUTHOR OF 'THE EASTERN SHORES OF THE ADRIATIC.' NEW EDITION. London: MACMILLAN AND CO. 1874. All Rights Reserved.
The services on Good Friday were really impressive; we were at the door of the Holy Sepulchre before 6 A.M. and found it closed, as the service had commenced some time earlier; but the French Consul had left two kawasses to conduct us into the chapel of Calvary, where chairs had been provided for us beside his own. The chapel was almost entirely dark, and densely crowded; the vestments used by the priests were all of black velvet embroidered in silver. The Patriarch had given up his place to Monseigneur Spaccapietra, an old Archbishop, who had lately arrived on a special mission of inquiry from the Pope: a fine-hearted and enlightened old man. The service, which was most solemnly and reverentially conducted, consisted of the Gospel narrative of the Passion of our Lord, and the words of the Saviour, of the people and of Pilate, recited by different voices. The old Archbishop chanted the Scripture with much earnestness and simplicity — but he was in Jerusalem for the first time in his life, he was worn out with a severe attack of the fever and with fasting, he was standing on the very spot where, the tradition of his church told him, the Redeemer had suffered, and when he came to the portion describing the consummation of that awful Sacrifice, the gentle-hearted old man was so completely overcome, that he laid his head on the altar and sobbed aloud; and a thousand times more impressive than all the splendour of the services on the previous days was it to see the aged, silver-haired Archbishop realizing the sacred and sorrowful story with such an intensity of earnestness as made the solemn words themselves come doubly home to the heart.
In the evening the church was so densely crowded that it required all the efforts of the six kawasses of the French Consul to get us to our places and to preserve us from utter suffocation : the people of Bethlehem come over in great numbers to attend the Franciscan service, which is given entirely for them; the Patriarch and all the superior clergy disapprove greatly of the sacred farce into which it has degenerated. Unfortunately the Franciscans and the Patriarch are often at issue concerning the services, and it was on this account that the Pope had sent Monseigneur Spaccapietra to decide between them; both, however, agreed in denying the power of the Pope over either of them on the subjects in dispute.
The service is performed by the Franiscan monks, and consists in the taking of a figure of the Saviour down from the Cross, and removing each nail and the crown of thorns, with many kisses. After this six or seven short sermons were preached in various parts of the church, each in a different language, by monks appointed to the task, who are at least supposed to have studied the language they preach in; when we had heard the French sermon we did not regret that the crowd prevented our getting near enough to hear the others. The last was preached in Spanish, before the Sepulchre, which was dimly illuminated only with the torches and candles carried in the procession, the whole of the Rotunda remaining in darkness: it had a very fine effect. This service was not over till near midnight.
On the Saturday, Easter Eve, some curious ceremonies are observed. After the customary benediction of the baptismal water for the year and the lighting of a new lamp, the priests assembled before the entrance of the Sepulchre; twelve or thirteen chapters of the Gospels were read recounting the events of the week, and when that part of the narrative was reached describing the placing of our Lord in the Tomb, the Patriarch, dressed in a plain white robe with a priest on each side of him in a white surplice, laid themselves flat on the ground on their faces, before the door of the Sepulchre. Psalms and hymns were chanted for about half an hour before they rose, and throughout the mass that followed the two priests knelt on one knee at each side of the door of the tomb, exactly as the angels are always represented in old pictures of the Entombment.
The services of these days were dreadfully long, and the poor little children of the French school fell asleep with their heads on each other's shoulders, like rows of little scarlet ninepins, but else, every person joining in them had the appearance of thoroughly reverential devotion. The good Patriarch is rigidly strict in his own fasts, and by the afternoon of this Saturday he was so weak that his voice was nearly inaudible and his face flushed with fever.
On the following Friday evening we went again to the Holy Sepulchre to see the Good Friday ceremonies of the Greeks and Armenians; the Greeks of course take the precedence, but the Armenians join themselves on at the latter end without much confusion. As the French Consul did not wish to parade himself and his kawasses in the church this night, we were placed under the care of Signor Pierotti, who is so great a favourite with the Turkish authorities and with many of the Greeks, that everything was thus made easy for us. The church belongs to ten Turks, one or more of whom must be present on all the greater days of ceremony: there is also a guard of a few soldiers appointed by the Pasha, who are always to be seen sitting in a recess at the entrance; it is by their permission that any one enters. The officers and the Bimbashi (the chief of the battalion) were most polite and pressing in their attentions to us the moment they saw we were friends of Signor Picrotti's, and insisted on our taking their chairs to stand upon when the crowd became too dense for us to stem or to see through.
The ceremony began in the square before the door of the church, with a very long procession, from the convent, of the Greek Bishops and clergy joined by a number of Copts, chanting all the while they perambulated the little square lighted by the lanterns and torches they carried in their hands; then the Copts entered the little chapel which belongs to them on the north side of the square, in the south wall of the church, and the Greeks entering at the great door went into their own large chapel in the centre, under the second dome, which was most brilliantly illuminated with a circle of lamps round the lowest edge of the dome and a double cross across it, which showed well against the dark height above it. After a long service here the procession ascended to Calvary (which the Greeks share with the Latins). Both chapels were at once crowded to that degree of denseness that neither hand nor foot could move save those of the celebrants, and as every one held a lighted candle in his hand, the heat was suffocating, as indeed it had been almost to fainting, on the Good Friday night of the Latins. All the clergy wore splendid copes of black velvet richly embroidered with silver. After some prayers the Russian Bishop Kyrillos, mounted one step of the altar, and, facing the people, addressed them in what appeared to us an unimpassioned almost monotonous manner, but it must have been effective, for, one after another, most of the Greeks around us were moved to tears. After this they descended to the 'Stone of unction," where an old and much respected Bishop again addressed the people— this time with much energy and warmth—to which they listened with earnest attention.
We then mounted into the gallery of the Latins which the French Consul had kindly engaged for us, and waited there till the procession came round: it was really very grand indeed: the Rotunda was brilliantly illuminated, and several rows of silver lamps and flowers were hung round the sepulchre itself in festoons; the Bishops appeared innumerable: among them the venerable Bishop of Petra and the Archbishop of Tabor with his long dark beard were striking objects. All were most splendidly attired in robes and copes of every hue covered with gold and silver embroidery, and all bore crosses or pictures of saints in their folded hands, which the pilgrims pressed forward to kiss: some of the Bishops had kawasses on each side of them, and as they went they chanted the Te Deum and some psalms with an earnest heartiness that seemed as if the procession was not all for show— there was no irreverence this day—each one looked grave and serious. Several ancient banners, said to be some of those used in the armies of the Crusaders, were carried round at the head of the procession; they represented scenes of the Passion, some of which were very well done in painting and embroidery; after them came a really interesting relic of olden times, the alleged history of which is believed to be correct: this was the banner of the Emperor Heraclins, which was borne before him when he entered Jerusalem bringing back the "true Cross;" this relic is considered too precious to be seen by any one except on this day, for all the rest of the year it is most carefully locked up; it was now borne by four Bishops, whose pious hands each held a corner, and had been placed on the altar of Calvary during the service; we could see that it was a most singular piece of embroidered work, representing the Saviour in his Tomb, with an inscription surrounding it as a border. The procession went round the Rotunda three times, and then a very short service was performed within the Sepulchre itself; it finished about 1 A.M. We walked round the church before going home to see the curious sight of the Greek pilgrims covering every available morsel of ground to secure places for the "Holy Fire" on the morrow; they had been in the church the whole of this day for the purpose, and now one and all, men and women, boys and girls, lay in heaps, like mere bundles of clothing, fast asleep, with here and there a foot or a leg sticking out from the heap. Great numbers of the Latin pilgrims also consider it a meritorious act to spend one night in the church: some few employ it in prayer and devotional exercises, but the greater part retire to the Latin gallery, where quantities of cushions are provided, and sleep away as comfortably as possible. The church is never left unguarded; a few Priests or monks of both communions are invariably there by night and by day.
The morrow—Saturday—was of course the day for the Greeks; and at a very early hour travellers are obliged to take their places in the church before the crowd becomes too dense or too uproarious for Franks to penetrate. But the full glory of that strange, wild scene of tumult, called the "Greek Holy Fire," has passed away; the ceremony is conducted with as much splendour and superstition as ever: but in the previous year, 1859, Sooraya Pasha, having witnessed the whole affair with his own eyes, was so much shocked and disgusted with the make-believe miracle, and with the disgraceful scenes which took place under the excitement of religious frenzy, that on this occasion he concerted plans with the French Consul, and lined the whole church with his soldiers, separating the pilgrims into such small bodies, and keeping such strict order among them, that neither enthusiasm nor confusion could break out into anything very frantic.
The Superior of the Greek convent had had the extreme politeness to place the whole of the upper gallery round the dome of the Holy Sepulchre at the service of the French Consul: the key was sent to him the day before, and a guard of soldiers waited to conduct us through the crowd in the large convent up to the rickety, dilapidated, half-ruined place it was, so that we were not obliged to go there more than an hour before the service commenced; chairs were already placed for us, and lemonade and coffee followed; the gallery was the most delightful place to see from, as we could thus walk round the whole building and see the crowd on every side.
Very amusing indeed it was to watch the pilgrims being packed more and more densely into their places, after having struggled and fought to secure the nearest spot possible to the hole in the marble wall of the Sepulchre whence the Fire was to issue; the soldiers allowed them to struggle to a certain point, beyond that, when mischief seemed brewing, the combatants were separated and stopped. Every few minutes some man or group of men amongst them seemed trying to excite himself and his neighbours up to howl and yell and dance: sometimes they made short runs, in the wild manner described by former travellers, sometimes one man running with two others, or even three, standing on his shoulders: but their frenzy and excitement seemed put on, as if acted, and soon came to an end, the warmth of their religious feelings was damped or blighted by the presence of the Mooslims, and the flames of its fire in a manner quenched. Not the least amusing part to me was the crowd of spectators in the lower gallery: such a motley company as they were: the venerable Roman Archbishop Monseigneur Spaccapietra and his Maronite secretary, beside a number of noisy irreverent Americans, and two or three grave Presbyterians. Then came the French caravan, a score of gentlemen organised into a travelling party under the special protection of their Government, and therefore of course occupying the best places in the Latin gallery: next to them a young Austrian baron, keeping somewhat hidden behind a column lest some fanatic in the multitude might recognise him as one of the Jews who are forbidden to enter the building: he was safe enough where he was, but if a Jew were seen in the crowd he would most probably be torn in pieces. Close to him were the fair, quiet faces of the Comte de Paris and Duc du Chartres; and beyond them a number of young English gentlemen, one of whom, before long, got into a squabble with an unfortunate monk who had remonstrated against the overbearing insolence with which the Englishman, according to the custom of John Bull, had endeavoured to take the best place from one of the French caravan, and who so far forgot himself and the place he was in as to strike the Franciscan. The French Consul had much ado to soothe, scold, and appease the wounded feelings of the poor monk into forgiveness and forgetfulness of the insult, while we blushed for shame at the unseemly conduct of a countryman: but alas! such occurrences are but too common among those who would be the first to revenge any disturbance or irreverence shown by a foreigner in our churches at home, but who have the stupid folly of thinking they assert the dignity of their own religion by deliberately insulting those with whom they do not agree. Whatever they may believe or disbelieve
themselves, it is simply disgusting to see an Englishman walking about the Church of the Holy Sepulchre with his hat on, or to hear loud voices profaning the sanctity of the place; and one grieves to think, however wanting they may be in sentiments of piety or religion, that they should not have learned either good taste or good feeling enough to keep away from places sanctified to others, unless they can refrain from such conduct as is not only unchristian and ungentlemanly, but indecent.
The crowd had now become quite dense, and were so well packed that there could be no more striving to get near the wall of the Sepulchre, or to displace the three happy men—wild, insane-looking creatures they were—who had had their hands clenched in the sacred hole for several hours : cries were continually being raised, and the same words constantly repeated with a sort of scream ; of course we supposed these to be, as they have frequently been reported by travellers, expostulations with, and reproaches to the Almighty for delaying to send down the Fire, but previous experience of Latin misrepresentation of all Greek doings made us inquire from a Greek gentleman on whom we could depend the meaning of each cry as it arose; it turned out that the exclamations were "This is the house of God—this is the tomb of the Saviour—this is the day on which He rose from the dead—let us raise up our hearts unto new life;" and then they all beat their breasts; then another cry came still more frequently, "Life was dead—was buried in the grave—now is new life come to us from the tomb—let us live unto God—life and light are come to us;" again and again repeated.
Sometimes the words were in Russian, sometimes in Greek, but the sense was the same. They were repeated louder and louder, quicker and quicker, and the excitement became greater, those on the outside of the crowd almost beyond the Rotunda, struggling, jostling, and fighting with each other, when the procession appeared and slowly edged its way round the building, the soldiers, by main force, keeping room for it to pass. Arrived at the door of the Sepulchre the Bishop of Tabor took off all his rich vestments, and clad only in a white surplice, entered in alone and closed the door behind him. Now the multitude did indeed sway backwards and forwards in one intense frenzy of excitement, but, in three minutes, a deafening shout arose, and the sacred Torch was thrust through the hole! in less than four minutes the tapers of the whole (crowd were lighted from end to end of the Rotunda, and in another moment had run round the more distant parts and into the small Greek gallery with surprising swiftness, for not only were whole bundles of tapers lighted at one touch, distributed from one to another, but others were let down by cords from above, and were drawn up with many crossings and much rejoicing. The whole thing lasts literally but a few minutes, for not only are the tapers short and thin, but most of them are blown out directly after they have been lighted, to be carried home as precious relies, and burned beside the death pillow of the owner: hundreds of handkerchiefs and sheets are held in the flame to have a hole or two burned in them, after which they serve as shrouds, ensuring a welcome from the angels for the souls of their fortunate possessors. Of course, as is well known, none of the educated Greeks believe in this absurd "miracle," which the "Fire Bishop" does not hesitate to acknowledge proceeds from the application of a lucifer-match; but these miserably ignorant pilgrims still devoutly believe in it, and the delusion is encouraged for the sake of the fees, by which the convents are supported. It is curious indeed to sec the complete change that suddenly comes over the lately expectant multitude: the expression of every anxious, haggard, and eager face has given place to the look of triumph and rejoicing, the intense happiness of success: now their long, weary, and often painful pilgrimage is over, and every object is accomplished: all the sacred places have been seen and kissed with reverent eyes and lips: the sins of a life have boon washed away in the cleansing waters of the Jordan: the grave-clothes bathed in the sacred stream are secured, and now is added the holy taper lighted by the miraculous Flame which arises from the Tomb of their Saviour, which is to cheer them through the death struggle, and light them along the Valley of the Shadow of Death into Abraham's bosom.
Easter is entirely forgotten; for the "Fire" is the real object, so directly obtained from Heaven that the commemoration of the Resurrection is quite secondary. This afternoon many hundreds have left the city, and begun their homeward journey, unmindful of the Sunday that is to follow. Deluded, superstitious, and ignorant indeed they are; but perhaps the eyes of the Almighty Father may discern underneath all this, buried and hidden from the sight of men, some faithful and loving hearts more worthy of His blessing than many an enlightened, self-esteeming, and well-informed Pharisee, who looks upon them only with contempt. These poor pilgrims in truth we may regard with that love and "mercy which rejoiceth against judgment," though one would not willingly express one's opinion of those who keep up what they know too well to be a falsehood for their own "filthy lucre's sake:" indeed one might say, as Sooraya Pasha said after contemplating the frantic scene that so much shocked the grave Mooslim—"Vous croyez que c'est une maison du bon Dieu, et que cette ceremonie est une chose religieuse—je vous dis que le bon Dieu ne peut pas etre ici, et que, tout bonnement, c'est qu'une profanation horrible! " On this same day, April 30th, 1859, as the Pasha sat looking on at the tumultuous scene, and stroking his beard with astonishment, a fanatic Russian pilgrim thrust his flaming torch into the Mooslim's face, growling out, " Dog of a Turk!" Signor Pierotti, who was standing beside him, instantly knocked the Russian on the head, and the kawasses rushed up to seize hold of him; but the Pasha interfered to prevent them, and only said to his friend, "Monsieur, il faut avoir patience avec les fous!"—a piece of advice which the traveller will do well to keep in his mind in modern Jerusalem
Thursday, March 20, 2008
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Medieval Warfare and Exploration in the British Isles
Extracts from: THE PRINCIPAL Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries OF THE ENGLISH NATION. Collected by RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER AND Edited by EDMUND GOLDSMIDT, F.R.H.S., NORTHERN EUROPE, VOL. I. (The First Edition (London: G. Bishop and R. Newberie) 1589)
Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie.
In the yeere of our Lord 1066, Edward King of England, of famous memory deceased, whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome, against which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stamford bridge, where the English winning the fielde put all the Norwegians to flight: out of which flight one Godredus surnamed Crouan (the sonne of Harald the blacke, who had before time fled out ofIsland) repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man and was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him.
In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued England and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal.
In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships, and sailed vnto Man, and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey, was vanquished and put to flight. The second time also hauing gathered his armie and ships together, hee came vnto Man, fought with the inhabitants, lost the victorie, and was chaced away. Yea, the third time [Footnote: in 1077] he assembled a great multitude, and comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa, [Footnote: Ramsay] hid 300. of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called Scacafel. The Sunne was no sooner vp, but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred. And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, molested them so sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when they saw that they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto (for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa [Footnote: The riuer Colby]) and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side, they which remained, with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their liues. Then hee being mooued with compassion, and pitying their extreme calamitie, because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them, sounded a retreat and forbad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit. The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice, whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite it, or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey, and so returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came.
Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him, tooke possession of the South part of the Island, and vnto the remnant of the Mannians he granted the North part thereof, vpon condition, that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of thesaid ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. [Sidenote: Boats hauing not past three yron nailes in them] Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & a great part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durst build a ship or a boate, with aboue three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned 16. yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. [Footnote: Yell, a northern island of the Shetland group, seventeen miles by seven.] He left behinde him three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus.
Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time, but being at length taken by Lagman, hee was gelt and had his eyes put out. Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem, in which iourney also he died.
In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto Murccardus O-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall, vntill Olauussonne of Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly condescended vnto their request, and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee should gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him. Howbeit he, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome, neglecting the commaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie, committing many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres. Then all the princes of the Islands making a generall conspiracie, banded themselues against him, and expelled him out of their dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them.
In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway, to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands. And being come vnto the Island of Leodus, [Footnote: Lewis.] he sent messengers vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him, commaunding them to assemble themselues, and to appoint him to be their King. In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh. And when these things, were reported vnto the princes of the Islands, who had assembled themselues to chuse him king, being mightely incensed thereat, they made haste towards him, and comming vpon him in the night they burnt the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company, partly with sword and partly with fire.
In the yeere 1008. the abbey of S. Manes at Cistertrum was founded. In the same yeere also Antiochri was taken by the Chnstians and a Comet appeared.
Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Man at Santwat [Footnote: In the parish of Jurby.] and they of the North obtained the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts. The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus, sonne of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to view the corpse of S. Olauus king and Martyr, gaue commaundment that his monument should be opened. But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened. And when hee had scene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with great haste. The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe, called his princes and Senatours, and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them. And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell, that with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then he without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided, and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently subdued, andpassing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came vnto the Isle of Man, where he was no sooner arriued, but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied. And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island, it pleased him exceeding well, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe, and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name. He had the people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber, and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes. Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, and finding two harles therein (either of them being called by the name of Hugo) be slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so subdued theIsland. But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him, and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man.
Vnto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes, commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of his Embassadours, that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect vnto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen heard, they toke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat. But the King being better aduised, I had rather (said he) not onely beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement, and honourably enterteined his Embassadours. Many giftes also he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and concluded a league. But the messengers returning vnto their lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof, of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the holesomnesse of the aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie, he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfe slaine, together with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned sixe yeeres. After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan, who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour.
Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie.
In the yeere of our Lord 1066, Edward King of England, of famous memory deceased, whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome, against which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stamford bridge, where the English winning the fielde put all the Norwegians to flight: out of which flight one Godredus surnamed Crouan (the sonne of Harald the blacke, who had before time fled out ofIsland) repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man and was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him.
In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued England and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal.
In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships, and sailed vnto Man, and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey, was vanquished and put to flight. The second time also hauing gathered his armie and ships together, hee came vnto Man, fought with the inhabitants, lost the victorie, and was chaced away. Yea, the third time [Footnote: in 1077] he assembled a great multitude, and comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa, [Footnote: Ramsay] hid 300. of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called Scacafel. The Sunne was no sooner vp, but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred. And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, molested them so sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when they saw that they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto (for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa [Footnote: The riuer Colby]) and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side, they which remained, with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their liues. Then hee being mooued with compassion, and pitying their extreme calamitie, because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them, sounded a retreat and forbad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit. The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice, whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite it, or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey, and so returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came.
Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him, tooke possession of the South part of the Island, and vnto the remnant of the Mannians he granted the North part thereof, vpon condition, that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of thesaid ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. [Sidenote: Boats hauing not past three yron nailes in them] Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & a great part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durst build a ship or a boate, with aboue three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned 16. yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. [Footnote: Yell, a northern island of the Shetland group, seventeen miles by seven.] He left behinde him three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus.
Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time, but being at length taken by Lagman, hee was gelt and had his eyes put out. Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem, in which iourney also he died.
In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto Murccardus O-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall, vntill Olauussonne of Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly condescended vnto their request, and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee should gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him. Howbeit he, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome, neglecting the commaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie, committing many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres. Then all the princes of the Islands making a generall conspiracie, banded themselues against him, and expelled him out of their dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them.
In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway, to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands. And being come vnto the Island of Leodus, [Footnote: Lewis.] he sent messengers vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him, commaunding them to assemble themselues, and to appoint him to be their King. In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh. And when these things, were reported vnto the princes of the Islands, who had assembled themselues to chuse him king, being mightely incensed thereat, they made haste towards him, and comming vpon him in the night they burnt the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company, partly with sword and partly with fire.
In the yeere 1008. the abbey of S. Manes at Cistertrum was founded. In the same yeere also Antiochri was taken by the Chnstians and a Comet appeared.
Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Man at Santwat [Footnote: In the parish of Jurby.] and they of the North obtained the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts. The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus, sonne of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to view the corpse of S. Olauus king and Martyr, gaue commaundment that his monument should be opened. But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened. And when hee had scene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with great haste. The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe, called his princes and Senatours, and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them. And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell, that with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then he without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided, and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently subdued, andpassing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came vnto the Isle of Man, where he was no sooner arriued, but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied. And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island, it pleased him exceeding well, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe, and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name. He had the people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber, and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes. Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, and finding two harles therein (either of them being called by the name of Hugo) be slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so subdued theIsland. But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him, and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man.
Vnto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes, commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of his Embassadours, that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect vnto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen heard, they toke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat. But the King being better aduised, I had rather (said he) not onely beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement, and honourably enterteined his Embassadours. Many giftes also he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and concluded a league. But the messengers returning vnto their lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof, of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the holesomnesse of the aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie, he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfe slaine, together with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned sixe yeeres. After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan, who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour.
Monday, March 10, 2008
CATO'S DE AGRICULTURA
Extracts from: ROMAN FARM MANAGEMENT, THE TREATISES OF CATO AND VARRO, DONE INTO ENGLISH, WITH NOTES OF MODERN INSTANCES, BY A VIRGINIA FARMER, 1918
Columella says that it was Cato who taught Agriculture to speak Latin. Cato's book, written in the middle of the second century B. C, was the first on the subject in Latin; indeed, it was one of the very first books written in that vernacular at all.
MARCUS PORCIUS CATO (B.C. 234-149), known in history as the elder Cato, was the type of Roman produced by the most vigorous days of the Republic. Born at Tusculum on the narrow acres which his peasant forefathers had tilled in the intervals of military service, he commenced advocate at the country assizes, followed his fortunes to Rome and there became a leader of the metropolitan bar. He saw gallant military service in Spain and in Greece, commanded an army, held all the curule offices of state and ended a contentious life in the Senate denouncing Carthage and the degeneracy of the times.
CATO'S DE AGRICULTURA
Introduction: of the dignity of the farmer
The pursuits of commerce would be as admirable as they are profitable if they were not subject to so great risks: and so, likewise, of banking, if it was always honestly conducted. For our ancestors considered, and so ordained in their laws, that, while the thief should be cast in double damages, the usurer should make four-fold restitution. From this we may judge how much less desirable a citizen they esteemed the banker than the thief. When they sought to commend an honest man, they termed him good husbandman, good farmer. This they rated the superlative of praise. Personally, I think highly of a man actively and diligently engaged in commerce, who seeks thereby to make his fortune, yet, as I have said, his career is full of risks and pitfalls. But it is from the tillers of the soil that spring the best citizens, the stanchest soldiers; and theirs are the enduring rewards which are most grateful and least envied. Such as devote themselves to that pursuit are least of all men given to evil counsels.
And now, to get to my subject, these observations will serve as preface to what I have promised to discuss.
Of buying a farm
When you have decided to purchase a farm, be careful not to buy rashly; do not spare your visits and be not content with a single tour of inspection. The more you go, the more will the place please you, if it be worth your attention. Give heed to the appearance of the neighbourhood,--a flourishing country should show its prosperity. "When you go in, look about, so that, when needs be, you can find your way out."
Take care that you choose a good climate, not subject to destructive storms, and a soil that is naturally strong. If possible, your farm should be at the foot of a mountain, looking to the South, in a healthy situation, where labour and cattle can be had, well watered, near a good sized town, and either on the sea or a navigable river, or else on a good and much frequented road. Choose a place which has not often changed ownership, one which is sold unwillingly, that has buildings in good repair.
Beware that you do not rashly contemn the experience of others. It is better to buy from a man who has farmed successfully and built well.
When you inspect the farm, look to see how many wine presses and storage vats there are; where there are none of these you can judge what the harvest is. On the other hand, it is not the number of farming implements, but what is done with them, that counts. Where you find few tools, it is not an expensive farm to operate. Know that with a farm, as with a man, however productive it may be, if it has the spending habit, not much will be left over.
Of the duties of the owner.
When you have arrived at your country house and have saluted your household, you should make the rounds of the farm the same day, if possible; if not, then certainly the next day. When you have observed how the field work has progressed, what things have been done, and what remains undone, you should summon your overseer the next day, and should call for a report of what work has been done in good season and why it has not been possible to complete the rest, and what wine and corn and other crops have been gathered. When you are advised on these points you should make your own calculation of the time necessary for the work, if there does not appear to you to have been enough accomplished. The overseer will report that he himself has worked diligently, but that some slaves have been sick and others truant, the weather has been bad, and that it has been necessary to work the public roads. When he has given these and many other excuses, you should recall to his attention the program of work which you had laid out for him on your last visit and compare it with the results attained. If the weather has been bad, count how many stormy days there have been, and rehearse what work could have been done despite the rain, such as washing and pitching the wine vats, cleaning out the barns, sorting the grain, hauling out and composting the manure, cleaning seed, mending the old gear, and making new, mending the smocks and hoods furnished for the hands. On feast days the old ditches should be mended, the public roads worked, briers cut down, the garden dug, the meadow cleaned, the hedges trimmed and the clippings collected and burned, the fish pond cleaned out. On such days, furthermore, the slaves' rations should be cut down as compared with what is allowed when they are working in the fields in fine weather.
When this routine has been discussed quietly and with good humour and is thoroughly under-stood by the overseer, you should give orders for the completion of the work which has been neglected.
The accounts of money, supplies and provisions should then be considered. The overseer should report what wine and oil has been sold, what price he got, what is on hand, and what remains for sale. Security should be taken for such accounts as ought to be secured. All other unsettled matters should be agreed upon. If any thing is needed for the coming year, it should be bought; every thing which is not needed should be sold. Whatever there is for lease should be leased. Orders should be given (and take care that they are in writing) for all work which next it is desired to have done on the farm or let to contract. You should go over the cattle and determine what is to be sold. You should sell the oil, if you can get your price, the surplus wine and corn, the old cattle, the worn out oxen, and the cull sheep, the wool and the hides, the old and sick slaves, and if any thing else is superfluous you should sell that. The appetite of the good farmer is to sell, not to buy.
Be a good neighbour. Do not roughly give offence to your own people. If the neighbourhood regards you kindly, you will find a readier market for what you have to sell, you will more easily get your work done, either on the place or by contract. If you build, your neighbours will aid you with their services, their cattle and their materials. If any misfortune should overtake you (which God forbid!) they will protect you with kindly interest.
Of laying out the farm
If you ask me what is the best disposition to make of your estate, I would say that should you have bought a farm of one hundred jugera (about 66 acres) all told, in the best situation, it should be planted as follows: 1° a vineyard, if it promises a good yield, 2° an irrigated garden, 3° an osier bed, 4° an olive yard, 5° a meadow, 6° a corn field, 7° a wood lot, 8° a cultivated orchard, and 9° a mast grove.
In his youth, the farmer ought, diligently to plant his land, but he should ponder before he builds. Planting does not require reflection, but demands action. It is time enough to build when you have reached your thirty-sixth year, if you have farmed your land well meanwhile. When you do build, let your buildings be proportioned to your estate, and your estate to your buildings. It is fitting that the farm buildings should be well constructed, that you should have ample oil cellars and wine vats, and a good supply of casks, so that you can wait for high prices, something which will redound to your honour, your profit and your self-respect.
Build your dwelling house in accordance with your means. If you build well in a good situation and on a good property, and furnish the house suitably for country life, you will come there more often and more willingly. The farm will then be better, fewer mistakes will be made, and you will get larger crops. The face of the master is good for the land.
Plant elm trees along the roads and fence rows, so that you may have the leaves to feed the sheep and cattle, and the timber will be available if you need it. If any where there are banks of streams or wet places, there plant reeds; and surround them with willows that the osiers may serve to tie the vines.
It is most convenient to set out the land nearest the house as an orchard, whence fire wood and faggots may be sold and the supply of the master obtained. In this enclosure should be planted every thing fitting to the land and vines should be married to the trees.
Near the house lay out also a garden with garland flowers and vegetables of all kinds, and set it about with myrtle hedges, both white and black, as well as Delphic and Cyprian laurel.
Of stocking the farm
An olive farm of two hundred and forty jugera (160 acres) ought to be stocked as follows: an overseer, a house keeper, five labourers, three ox drivers, one swineherd, one ass driver, one shepherd; in all thirteen hands: three pair of oxen, three asses with pack saddles, to haul out the manure, one other ass to turn the mill, and one hundred sheep.
Of the duties of the overseer.
These are the duties of the overseer: He should maintain discipline. He should observe the feast days. He should respect the rights of others and steadfastly uphold his own. He should settle all quarrels among the hands; if any one is at fault he should administer the punishment. He should take care that no one on the place is in want, or lacks food or drink; in this respect he can afford to be generous, for he will thus more easily prevent picking and stealing.
Unless the overseer is of evil mind, he will himself do no wrong, but if he permits wrong-doing by others, the master should not suffer such indulgence to pass with impunity. He should show appreciation of courtesy, to encourage others to practise it. He should not be given to gadding or conviviality, but should be always sober. He should keep the hands busy, and should see that they do what the master has ordered. He should not think that he knows more than his master. The friends of the master should be his friends, and he should give heed to those whom the master has recommended to him. He should confine his religious practices to church on Sunday, or to his own house.
He should lend money to no man unbidden by the master, but what the master has lent he should collect. He should never lend any seed reserved for sowing, feed, corn, wine, or oil, but he should have relations with two or three other farms with which he can exchange things needed in emergency. He should state his accounts with his master frequently. He should not keep any hired men or day hands longer than is necessary. He should not sell any thing without the knowledge of the master, nor should he conceal any thing from the master. He should not have any hangers-on, nor should he consult any soothsayer, fortune teller, necromancer, or astrologer. He should not spare seed in sowing, for that is bad economy. He should strive to be expert in all kinds of farm work, and, without exhausting himself, often lend a hand. By so doing, he will better understand the point of view of his hands, and they will work more contentedly; moreover, he will have less inclination to gad, his health will be better, and he will sleep more refreshingly.
First up in the morning, he should be the last to go to bed at night; and before he does, he should see that the farm gates are closed, and that each of the hands is in his own bed, that the stock have been fed. He should see that the best of care is taken of the oxen, and should pay the highest compliments to the teamsters who keep their cattle in the best condition. He should see to it that the ploughs and plough shares are kept in good repair. Plan all the work in ample time, for so it is with farm work, if one thing is done late, every thing will be late.
When it rains try to find some thing to do indoors. Clean up, rather than remain idle. Remember that while work may stop, expenses still go on.
Of the duties of the housekeeper
The overseer should be responsible for the duties of the housekeeper. If the master has given her to you for a wife, you should be satisfied with her, and she should respect you. Require that she be not given to wasteful habits; that she does not gossip with the neighbours and other women. She should not receive visitors either in the kitchen or in her own quarters. She should not go out to parties, nor should she gad about. She should not practise religious observances, nor should she ask others to do so for her without the permission of the master or the mistress. Remember that the master practises religion for the entire household. She should be neat in appearance and should keep the house swept and garnished. Every night before she goes to bed she should see that the hearth is swept and clean. On the Kalends, the Ides, the Nones, and on all feast days, she should hang a garland over the hearth. On those days also she should pray fervently to the household gods. She should take care that she has food cooked for you and for the hands. She should have plenty of chickens and an abundance of eggs. She should diligently put up all kinds of preserves every year.
Of the hands
The following are the customary allowances for food: For the hands, four pecks of meal for the winter, and four and one-half for the summer. For the overseer, the housekeeper, the wagoner, the shepherd, three pecks each. For the slaves, four pounds of bread for the winter, but when they begin to cultivate the vines this is increased to five pounds until the figs are ripe, then return to four pounds.
The sum of the wine allowed for each hand per annum is eight quadrantals, or Amphora, but add in the proportion as they do work. Ten quadrantals per annum is not too much to allow them to drink.
Save the wind fall olives as much as possible as relishes for the hands. Later set aside such of the ripe olives as will make the least oil. Be careful to make them go as far as possible. When the olives are all eaten, give them fish pickles and vinegar. One peck of salt per annum is enough for each hand.
Allow each hand a smock and a cloak every other year. As often as you give out a smock or cloak to any one take up the old one, so that caps can be made out of it. A pair of heavy wooden shoes should be allowed every other year.
Of draining
If the land is wet, it should be drained with trough shaped ditches dug three feet wide at the surface and one foot at the bottom and four feet deep. Blind these ditches with rock. If you have no rock then fill them with green willow poles braced crosswise. If you have no poles, fill then with faggots. Then dig lateral trenches three feet deep and four feet wide in such way that the water will flow from the trenches into the ditches.
In the winter surface water should be drained off the fields. On hillsides courses should be kept clear for the water to flow off. During the rainy season at the beginning of Autumn is the greatest risk from water. When it begins to rain all the hands should go out with picks and shovels and clear out the drains so that the water may flow off into the roads, and the crops be protected.
Of preparing the seed bed
What is the first principle of good agriculture? To plough well. What is the second? To plough again; and the third is to manure. When you plough corn land, plough well and in good weather, lest you turn a cloddy furrow. The other things of good agriculture are to sow seed plentifully, to thin the young sprouts, and to hill up the roots with earth.
Never plough rotten land nor drive flocks or carts across it.
If care is not taken about this, the land so abused will be barren for three years.
Of manure
Plan to have a big compost heap and take the best of care of the manure. When it is hauled out see that it is well rotted and spread. The Autumn is the time to do this.
You can make manure of litter, lupine straw, chaff, bean stalks, husks and the leaves of ilex and of oak.
Fold your sheep on the land which you are about to seed, and there feed them leaves.
Of soil improvement
The things which are harmful to corn land are to plough the ground when it is rotten, and to plant chick peas which are harvested with the straw and are salt. Barley, fenugreek and pulse all exhaust corn land, as well as all other things which are harvested with the straw. Do not plant nut trees in the corn land. On the other hand, lupines, field beans and vetch manure corn land.
Where the soil is rich and fertile, without shade, there the corn land ought to be. Where the land lies low, plant rape, millet, and panic grass.
Of forage crops
If you have a water meadow you will not want forage, but if not then sow an upland meadow, so that hay may not be lacking.
Save your hay when the times comes, and beware lest you mow too late. Mow before the seed is ripe. House the best hay by itself, so that you may feed it to the draft cattle during the spring ploughing, before the clover is mature.
Sow, for feed for the cattle, clover, vetch, fenugreek, field beans and pulse. Sow these crops a second and a third time.
Of planting
Wherever the land is cold and wet, sow there first, and last of all in the warmest places.
Of pastures
Manure the pastures in early spring in the dark of the moon, when the west wind begins to blow. When you close your pastures (to the stock) clean them and root out all weeds.
Of feeding live stock
As long as they are available, feed green leaves of elm, poplar, oak and fig to your cattle and sheep.
Store leaves, also, to be fed to the sheep before they have withered.
Take the best of care of your dry fodder, which you house for the winter, and remember always how long the winter may last.
Be sure you have well constructed stables furnished with substantial stalls and equipped with latticed feed racks. The intervals between the bars of the racks should be one foot. If you build them in this way, the cattle will not waste their food.
This is the way that provender should be prepared and fed: When the seeding is finished, gather mast and soak it in water. Feed a measure of it every day to each steer; or if they have not been worked it will be sufficient to let them pasture the mast beds. Another good feed is a measure of grape husks which you shall have preserved in jars. By day turn the cattle out and at night feed twenty-five pounds of hay to each steer. If hay is short, feed the leaves of the ilex and ivy. Stack the straw of wheat, barley, beans, vetch and lupine, indeed all the grain straws, but pick out and house the best of it. Scatter your straw with salt and you can then feed it in place of hay. When in the spring you begin to feed (more heavily to prepare for work), feed a measure of mast or of grape husks, or a measure of ground lupines, and fifteen pounds of hay. When the clover is ripe, feed that first. Gather it by hand so that it will bloom a second time, for what you harvest with the sickle blooms no more. Feed clover until it is dry, then feed vetch and then panic grass, and after the panic grass feed elm leaves. If you have poplar, mix that with the elm so that the elm may last the longer. If you have no elm feed oak and fig leaves.
Nothing is more profitable than to take good care of your cattle.
Cattle should not be put out to graze except in winter when they are not worked; for when they eat green stuff they expect it all the time, and it is then necessary to muzzle them while they plough.
Of the care of live stock
The flocks and herds should be well supplied with litter and their feet kept clean. If litter is short, haul in oak leaves, they will serve as bedding for sheep and cattle. Beware of scab among the sheep and cattle. This comes from hunger and exposure to rain.
To prevent the oxen from wearing down their hoofs, anoint the bottom of the hoof with liquid pepper before driving them on the highroad.
Take care that during the summer the cattle drink only sweet and fresh water. Their health depends on it.
To prevent scab among sheep, make a mixture of equal parts of well strained amurca, of water in which lupine has been steeped, and of lees of good wine. After shearing, anoint all the flock with this mixture, and let them sweat profusely for two or three days. Then dip them in the sea. If you have no sea water, make salt water and dip then in that. If you will do this they will suffer no scab, they will have more and better wool and they will not be molested by ticks.
If an ox begins to sicken, give him without delay a raw hen's egg and make him swallow it whole. The next day make him drink from a wooden bowl a measure of wine in which has been scraped the head of an onion. Both the ox and his attendant should do these things fasting and standing upright.
If a serpent shall bite an ox, or any other quadruped, take a cup of that extract of fennel, which the physicians call smyrnean, and mix it with a measure of old wine. Inject this through his nostrils and at the same time poultice the wound with hogs' dung. You can treat a man the same way.
If a bone is dislocated it can be made sound by this incantation. Take a green reed four or five feet long, split it down the middle and let two men hold the pieces against your hips. Begin then to chant as follows:
"In Alio. S.F. Motas Vaeta,
Daries Dardaries Astataries Dissunapiter"
and continue until the free ends of the reed are brought slowly together in front of you. Meanwhile, wave a knife above the reeds, and when they come together and one touches the other, seize them in your hand and cut them right and left. These pieces of reed bound upon a dislocated or fractured bone will cure it.
But every day repeat the incantation, or in place of it this one:
"Huat Hanat Huat
Ista Pista Sista
Domiabo Damnaustra"
Of cakes and salad
This is the recipe for cheese cake (libum): Bray well two pounds of cheese in a mortar, and, when this is done, pour in a pound of corn meal (or, if you want to be more dainty, a half pound of flour) and mix it thoroughly with the cheese. Add one egg and beat it well. Pat into a cake, place it on leaves and bake slowly on a hot hearth stone under a dish.
This is the recipe for olive salad (epityrum): Select some white, black and mottled olives and stone them. Mix and cut them up. Add a dressing of oil, vinegar, coriander, cumin, fennel, rue and mint. Mix well in an earthen ware dish, and serve with oil.
This is the recipe for must cake (mustaceus): Sprinkle a peck of wheat flour with must. Add anise, cumin, two pounds of lard, a pound of cheese and shredded laurel twigs. When you have kneaded the dough, put laurel leaves under it and so bake.
Of curing hams
This is the way to cure hams in jars or tubs: When you have bought your hams trim off the hocks. Take a half peck (semodius) of ground Roman salt for each ham. Cover the bottom of the jar or tub with salt and put in a ham, skin down. Cover the whole with salt and put another ham on top, and cover this in the same manner. Be careful that meat does not touch meat. So proceed, and when you have packed all the hams, cover the top with salt so that no meat can be seen, and smooth it out even. When the hams have been in salt five days, take them all out with the salt and repack them, putting those which were on top at the bottom. Cover them in the same way with salt and press them down.
After the twelfth day remove the hams finally, brush off the salt and hang them for two days in the wind. On the third day wipe them off clean with a sponge and rub them with (olive) oil. Then hang them in smoke for two days, and on the third day rub them with a mixture of (olive) oil and vinegar.
Then hang them in the meat house, and neither bats nor worms will touch them.
Columella says that it was Cato who taught Agriculture to speak Latin. Cato's book, written in the middle of the second century B. C, was the first on the subject in Latin; indeed, it was one of the very first books written in that vernacular at all.
MARCUS PORCIUS CATO (B.C. 234-149), known in history as the elder Cato, was the type of Roman produced by the most vigorous days of the Republic. Born at Tusculum on the narrow acres which his peasant forefathers had tilled in the intervals of military service, he commenced advocate at the country assizes, followed his fortunes to Rome and there became a leader of the metropolitan bar. He saw gallant military service in Spain and in Greece, commanded an army, held all the curule offices of state and ended a contentious life in the Senate denouncing Carthage and the degeneracy of the times.
CATO'S DE AGRICULTURA
Introduction: of the dignity of the farmer
The pursuits of commerce would be as admirable as they are profitable if they were not subject to so great risks: and so, likewise, of banking, if it was always honestly conducted. For our ancestors considered, and so ordained in their laws, that, while the thief should be cast in double damages, the usurer should make four-fold restitution. From this we may judge how much less desirable a citizen they esteemed the banker than the thief. When they sought to commend an honest man, they termed him good husbandman, good farmer. This they rated the superlative of praise. Personally, I think highly of a man actively and diligently engaged in commerce, who seeks thereby to make his fortune, yet, as I have said, his career is full of risks and pitfalls. But it is from the tillers of the soil that spring the best citizens, the stanchest soldiers; and theirs are the enduring rewards which are most grateful and least envied. Such as devote themselves to that pursuit are least of all men given to evil counsels.
And now, to get to my subject, these observations will serve as preface to what I have promised to discuss.
Of buying a farm
When you have decided to purchase a farm, be careful not to buy rashly; do not spare your visits and be not content with a single tour of inspection. The more you go, the more will the place please you, if it be worth your attention. Give heed to the appearance of the neighbourhood,--a flourishing country should show its prosperity. "When you go in, look about, so that, when needs be, you can find your way out."
Take care that you choose a good climate, not subject to destructive storms, and a soil that is naturally strong. If possible, your farm should be at the foot of a mountain, looking to the South, in a healthy situation, where labour and cattle can be had, well watered, near a good sized town, and either on the sea or a navigable river, or else on a good and much frequented road. Choose a place which has not often changed ownership, one which is sold unwillingly, that has buildings in good repair.
Beware that you do not rashly contemn the experience of others. It is better to buy from a man who has farmed successfully and built well.
When you inspect the farm, look to see how many wine presses and storage vats there are; where there are none of these you can judge what the harvest is. On the other hand, it is not the number of farming implements, but what is done with them, that counts. Where you find few tools, it is not an expensive farm to operate. Know that with a farm, as with a man, however productive it may be, if it has the spending habit, not much will be left over.
Of the duties of the owner.
When you have arrived at your country house and have saluted your household, you should make the rounds of the farm the same day, if possible; if not, then certainly the next day. When you have observed how the field work has progressed, what things have been done, and what remains undone, you should summon your overseer the next day, and should call for a report of what work has been done in good season and why it has not been possible to complete the rest, and what wine and corn and other crops have been gathered. When you are advised on these points you should make your own calculation of the time necessary for the work, if there does not appear to you to have been enough accomplished. The overseer will report that he himself has worked diligently, but that some slaves have been sick and others truant, the weather has been bad, and that it has been necessary to work the public roads. When he has given these and many other excuses, you should recall to his attention the program of work which you had laid out for him on your last visit and compare it with the results attained. If the weather has been bad, count how many stormy days there have been, and rehearse what work could have been done despite the rain, such as washing and pitching the wine vats, cleaning out the barns, sorting the grain, hauling out and composting the manure, cleaning seed, mending the old gear, and making new, mending the smocks and hoods furnished for the hands. On feast days the old ditches should be mended, the public roads worked, briers cut down, the garden dug, the meadow cleaned, the hedges trimmed and the clippings collected and burned, the fish pond cleaned out. On such days, furthermore, the slaves' rations should be cut down as compared with what is allowed when they are working in the fields in fine weather.
When this routine has been discussed quietly and with good humour and is thoroughly under-stood by the overseer, you should give orders for the completion of the work which has been neglected.
The accounts of money, supplies and provisions should then be considered. The overseer should report what wine and oil has been sold, what price he got, what is on hand, and what remains for sale. Security should be taken for such accounts as ought to be secured. All other unsettled matters should be agreed upon. If any thing is needed for the coming year, it should be bought; every thing which is not needed should be sold. Whatever there is for lease should be leased. Orders should be given (and take care that they are in writing) for all work which next it is desired to have done on the farm or let to contract. You should go over the cattle and determine what is to be sold. You should sell the oil, if you can get your price, the surplus wine and corn, the old cattle, the worn out oxen, and the cull sheep, the wool and the hides, the old and sick slaves, and if any thing else is superfluous you should sell that. The appetite of the good farmer is to sell, not to buy.
Be a good neighbour. Do not roughly give offence to your own people. If the neighbourhood regards you kindly, you will find a readier market for what you have to sell, you will more easily get your work done, either on the place or by contract. If you build, your neighbours will aid you with their services, their cattle and their materials. If any misfortune should overtake you (which God forbid!) they will protect you with kindly interest.
Of laying out the farm
If you ask me what is the best disposition to make of your estate, I would say that should you have bought a farm of one hundred jugera (about 66 acres) all told, in the best situation, it should be planted as follows: 1° a vineyard, if it promises a good yield, 2° an irrigated garden, 3° an osier bed, 4° an olive yard, 5° a meadow, 6° a corn field, 7° a wood lot, 8° a cultivated orchard, and 9° a mast grove.
In his youth, the farmer ought, diligently to plant his land, but he should ponder before he builds. Planting does not require reflection, but demands action. It is time enough to build when you have reached your thirty-sixth year, if you have farmed your land well meanwhile. When you do build, let your buildings be proportioned to your estate, and your estate to your buildings. It is fitting that the farm buildings should be well constructed, that you should have ample oil cellars and wine vats, and a good supply of casks, so that you can wait for high prices, something which will redound to your honour, your profit and your self-respect.
Build your dwelling house in accordance with your means. If you build well in a good situation and on a good property, and furnish the house suitably for country life, you will come there more often and more willingly. The farm will then be better, fewer mistakes will be made, and you will get larger crops. The face of the master is good for the land.
Plant elm trees along the roads and fence rows, so that you may have the leaves to feed the sheep and cattle, and the timber will be available if you need it. If any where there are banks of streams or wet places, there plant reeds; and surround them with willows that the osiers may serve to tie the vines.
It is most convenient to set out the land nearest the house as an orchard, whence fire wood and faggots may be sold and the supply of the master obtained. In this enclosure should be planted every thing fitting to the land and vines should be married to the trees.
Near the house lay out also a garden with garland flowers and vegetables of all kinds, and set it about with myrtle hedges, both white and black, as well as Delphic and Cyprian laurel.
Of stocking the farm
An olive farm of two hundred and forty jugera (160 acres) ought to be stocked as follows: an overseer, a house keeper, five labourers, three ox drivers, one swineherd, one ass driver, one shepherd; in all thirteen hands: three pair of oxen, three asses with pack saddles, to haul out the manure, one other ass to turn the mill, and one hundred sheep.
Of the duties of the overseer.
These are the duties of the overseer: He should maintain discipline. He should observe the feast days. He should respect the rights of others and steadfastly uphold his own. He should settle all quarrels among the hands; if any one is at fault he should administer the punishment. He should take care that no one on the place is in want, or lacks food or drink; in this respect he can afford to be generous, for he will thus more easily prevent picking and stealing.
Unless the overseer is of evil mind, he will himself do no wrong, but if he permits wrong-doing by others, the master should not suffer such indulgence to pass with impunity. He should show appreciation of courtesy, to encourage others to practise it. He should not be given to gadding or conviviality, but should be always sober. He should keep the hands busy, and should see that they do what the master has ordered. He should not think that he knows more than his master. The friends of the master should be his friends, and he should give heed to those whom the master has recommended to him. He should confine his religious practices to church on Sunday, or to his own house.
He should lend money to no man unbidden by the master, but what the master has lent he should collect. He should never lend any seed reserved for sowing, feed, corn, wine, or oil, but he should have relations with two or three other farms with which he can exchange things needed in emergency. He should state his accounts with his master frequently. He should not keep any hired men or day hands longer than is necessary. He should not sell any thing without the knowledge of the master, nor should he conceal any thing from the master. He should not have any hangers-on, nor should he consult any soothsayer, fortune teller, necromancer, or astrologer. He should not spare seed in sowing, for that is bad economy. He should strive to be expert in all kinds of farm work, and, without exhausting himself, often lend a hand. By so doing, he will better understand the point of view of his hands, and they will work more contentedly; moreover, he will have less inclination to gad, his health will be better, and he will sleep more refreshingly.
First up in the morning, he should be the last to go to bed at night; and before he does, he should see that the farm gates are closed, and that each of the hands is in his own bed, that the stock have been fed. He should see that the best of care is taken of the oxen, and should pay the highest compliments to the teamsters who keep their cattle in the best condition. He should see to it that the ploughs and plough shares are kept in good repair. Plan all the work in ample time, for so it is with farm work, if one thing is done late, every thing will be late.
When it rains try to find some thing to do indoors. Clean up, rather than remain idle. Remember that while work may stop, expenses still go on.
Of the duties of the housekeeper
The overseer should be responsible for the duties of the housekeeper. If the master has given her to you for a wife, you should be satisfied with her, and she should respect you. Require that she be not given to wasteful habits; that she does not gossip with the neighbours and other women. She should not receive visitors either in the kitchen or in her own quarters. She should not go out to parties, nor should she gad about. She should not practise religious observances, nor should she ask others to do so for her without the permission of the master or the mistress. Remember that the master practises religion for the entire household. She should be neat in appearance and should keep the house swept and garnished. Every night before she goes to bed she should see that the hearth is swept and clean. On the Kalends, the Ides, the Nones, and on all feast days, she should hang a garland over the hearth. On those days also she should pray fervently to the household gods. She should take care that she has food cooked for you and for the hands. She should have plenty of chickens and an abundance of eggs. She should diligently put up all kinds of preserves every year.
Of the hands
The following are the customary allowances for food: For the hands, four pecks of meal for the winter, and four and one-half for the summer. For the overseer, the housekeeper, the wagoner, the shepherd, three pecks each. For the slaves, four pounds of bread for the winter, but when they begin to cultivate the vines this is increased to five pounds until the figs are ripe, then return to four pounds.
The sum of the wine allowed for each hand per annum is eight quadrantals, or Amphora, but add in the proportion as they do work. Ten quadrantals per annum is not too much to allow them to drink.
Save the wind fall olives as much as possible as relishes for the hands. Later set aside such of the ripe olives as will make the least oil. Be careful to make them go as far as possible. When the olives are all eaten, give them fish pickles and vinegar. One peck of salt per annum is enough for each hand.
Allow each hand a smock and a cloak every other year. As often as you give out a smock or cloak to any one take up the old one, so that caps can be made out of it. A pair of heavy wooden shoes should be allowed every other year.
Of draining
If the land is wet, it should be drained with trough shaped ditches dug three feet wide at the surface and one foot at the bottom and four feet deep. Blind these ditches with rock. If you have no rock then fill them with green willow poles braced crosswise. If you have no poles, fill then with faggots. Then dig lateral trenches three feet deep and four feet wide in such way that the water will flow from the trenches into the ditches.
In the winter surface water should be drained off the fields. On hillsides courses should be kept clear for the water to flow off. During the rainy season at the beginning of Autumn is the greatest risk from water. When it begins to rain all the hands should go out with picks and shovels and clear out the drains so that the water may flow off into the roads, and the crops be protected.
Of preparing the seed bed
What is the first principle of good agriculture? To plough well. What is the second? To plough again; and the third is to manure. When you plough corn land, plough well and in good weather, lest you turn a cloddy furrow. The other things of good agriculture are to sow seed plentifully, to thin the young sprouts, and to hill up the roots with earth.
Never plough rotten land nor drive flocks or carts across it.
If care is not taken about this, the land so abused will be barren for three years.
Of manure
Plan to have a big compost heap and take the best of care of the manure. When it is hauled out see that it is well rotted and spread. The Autumn is the time to do this.
You can make manure of litter, lupine straw, chaff, bean stalks, husks and the leaves of ilex and of oak.
Fold your sheep on the land which you are about to seed, and there feed them leaves.
Of soil improvement
The things which are harmful to corn land are to plough the ground when it is rotten, and to plant chick peas which are harvested with the straw and are salt. Barley, fenugreek and pulse all exhaust corn land, as well as all other things which are harvested with the straw. Do not plant nut trees in the corn land. On the other hand, lupines, field beans and vetch manure corn land.
Where the soil is rich and fertile, without shade, there the corn land ought to be. Where the land lies low, plant rape, millet, and panic grass.
Of forage crops
If you have a water meadow you will not want forage, but if not then sow an upland meadow, so that hay may not be lacking.
Save your hay when the times comes, and beware lest you mow too late. Mow before the seed is ripe. House the best hay by itself, so that you may feed it to the draft cattle during the spring ploughing, before the clover is mature.
Sow, for feed for the cattle, clover, vetch, fenugreek, field beans and pulse. Sow these crops a second and a third time.
Of planting
Wherever the land is cold and wet, sow there first, and last of all in the warmest places.
Of pastures
Manure the pastures in early spring in the dark of the moon, when the west wind begins to blow. When you close your pastures (to the stock) clean them and root out all weeds.
Of feeding live stock
As long as they are available, feed green leaves of elm, poplar, oak and fig to your cattle and sheep.
Store leaves, also, to be fed to the sheep before they have withered.
Take the best of care of your dry fodder, which you house for the winter, and remember always how long the winter may last.
Be sure you have well constructed stables furnished with substantial stalls and equipped with latticed feed racks. The intervals between the bars of the racks should be one foot. If you build them in this way, the cattle will not waste their food.
This is the way that provender should be prepared and fed: When the seeding is finished, gather mast and soak it in water. Feed a measure of it every day to each steer; or if they have not been worked it will be sufficient to let them pasture the mast beds. Another good feed is a measure of grape husks which you shall have preserved in jars. By day turn the cattle out and at night feed twenty-five pounds of hay to each steer. If hay is short, feed the leaves of the ilex and ivy. Stack the straw of wheat, barley, beans, vetch and lupine, indeed all the grain straws, but pick out and house the best of it. Scatter your straw with salt and you can then feed it in place of hay. When in the spring you begin to feed (more heavily to prepare for work), feed a measure of mast or of grape husks, or a measure of ground lupines, and fifteen pounds of hay. When the clover is ripe, feed that first. Gather it by hand so that it will bloom a second time, for what you harvest with the sickle blooms no more. Feed clover until it is dry, then feed vetch and then panic grass, and after the panic grass feed elm leaves. If you have poplar, mix that with the elm so that the elm may last the longer. If you have no elm feed oak and fig leaves.
Nothing is more profitable than to take good care of your cattle.
Cattle should not be put out to graze except in winter when they are not worked; for when they eat green stuff they expect it all the time, and it is then necessary to muzzle them while they plough.
Of the care of live stock
The flocks and herds should be well supplied with litter and their feet kept clean. If litter is short, haul in oak leaves, they will serve as bedding for sheep and cattle. Beware of scab among the sheep and cattle. This comes from hunger and exposure to rain.
To prevent the oxen from wearing down their hoofs, anoint the bottom of the hoof with liquid pepper before driving them on the highroad.
Take care that during the summer the cattle drink only sweet and fresh water. Their health depends on it.
To prevent scab among sheep, make a mixture of equal parts of well strained amurca, of water in which lupine has been steeped, and of lees of good wine. After shearing, anoint all the flock with this mixture, and let them sweat profusely for two or three days. Then dip them in the sea. If you have no sea water, make salt water and dip then in that. If you will do this they will suffer no scab, they will have more and better wool and they will not be molested by ticks.
If an ox begins to sicken, give him without delay a raw hen's egg and make him swallow it whole. The next day make him drink from a wooden bowl a measure of wine in which has been scraped the head of an onion. Both the ox and his attendant should do these things fasting and standing upright.
If a serpent shall bite an ox, or any other quadruped, take a cup of that extract of fennel, which the physicians call smyrnean, and mix it with a measure of old wine. Inject this through his nostrils and at the same time poultice the wound with hogs' dung. You can treat a man the same way.
If a bone is dislocated it can be made sound by this incantation. Take a green reed four or five feet long, split it down the middle and let two men hold the pieces against your hips. Begin then to chant as follows:
"In Alio. S.F. Motas Vaeta,
Daries Dardaries Astataries Dissunapiter"
and continue until the free ends of the reed are brought slowly together in front of you. Meanwhile, wave a knife above the reeds, and when they come together and one touches the other, seize them in your hand and cut them right and left. These pieces of reed bound upon a dislocated or fractured bone will cure it.
But every day repeat the incantation, or in place of it this one:
"Huat Hanat Huat
Ista Pista Sista
Domiabo Damnaustra"
Of cakes and salad
This is the recipe for cheese cake (libum): Bray well two pounds of cheese in a mortar, and, when this is done, pour in a pound of corn meal (or, if you want to be more dainty, a half pound of flour) and mix it thoroughly with the cheese. Add one egg and beat it well. Pat into a cake, place it on leaves and bake slowly on a hot hearth stone under a dish.
This is the recipe for olive salad (epityrum): Select some white, black and mottled olives and stone them. Mix and cut them up. Add a dressing of oil, vinegar, coriander, cumin, fennel, rue and mint. Mix well in an earthen ware dish, and serve with oil.
This is the recipe for must cake (mustaceus): Sprinkle a peck of wheat flour with must. Add anise, cumin, two pounds of lard, a pound of cheese and shredded laurel twigs. When you have kneaded the dough, put laurel leaves under it and so bake.
Of curing hams
This is the way to cure hams in jars or tubs: When you have bought your hams trim off the hocks. Take a half peck (semodius) of ground Roman salt for each ham. Cover the bottom of the jar or tub with salt and put in a ham, skin down. Cover the whole with salt and put another ham on top, and cover this in the same manner. Be careful that meat does not touch meat. So proceed, and when you have packed all the hams, cover the top with salt so that no meat can be seen, and smooth it out even. When the hams have been in salt five days, take them all out with the salt and repack them, putting those which were on top at the bottom. Cover them in the same way with salt and press them down.
After the twelfth day remove the hams finally, brush off the salt and hang them for two days in the wind. On the third day wipe them off clean with a sponge and rub them with (olive) oil. Then hang them in smoke for two days, and on the third day rub them with a mixture of (olive) oil and vinegar.
Then hang them in the meat house, and neither bats nor worms will touch them.
Friday, March 7, 2008
THE MAY-FLOWER AND HER LOG
Extracts from ship's journal after arrival in the New World from: THE MAY-FLOWER AND HER LOG July 15, 1620—May 6, 1621 Chiefly from Original Sources By AZEL AMES, M.D. Member of Pilgrim Society, etc.
FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter finishing work on shallop. Colonists discussing locations visited, as places for settlement.
SATURDAY, Dec. 2/12 At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among colonists as to settlement, the Master insisting on a speedy determination. Whales playing about the ship in considerable numbers. One lying within half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the Planters shot at her, but the musket of the one who gave fire first blew in pieces both stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Dec. 3/13 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fourth Sunday here. Scarce any of those aboard free from vehement coughs, some very ill. Weather very variable.
MONDAY, Dec. 4/14 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter completing repairs on shallop. Much discussion of plans for settlement. The Master urging that the Planters should explore with their shallop at some distance, declining in such season to stir from the present anchorage till a safe harbor is discovered by them where they would be and he might go without danger. This day died Edward Thompson, a servant of Master William White, the first to die aboard the ship since she anchored in the harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services to bury him.
TUESDAY, Dec. 5/15 At anchor in harbor. Francis Billington, a young son of one of the passengers, put the ship and all in great jeopardy, by shooting off a fowling-piece in his father's cabin between decks where there was a small barrel of powder open, and many people about the fire close by. None hurt. Weather cold and foul.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6/16 At anchor in harbor. Very cold, bad weather. This day died Jasper More, a lad bound to Governor Carver. The second death in the harbor. The third exploring party got away from the ship in the afternoon in the shallop, intent on finding a harbor recommended by the second mate, Robert Coppin, who had visited it. Captain Standish in command, with whom were Governor Carver, Masters Bradford, Winslow, John Tilley and Edward Tilley, Warren and Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Dotey, and two of the colonists' seamen, Alderton and English, and of the ship's company, the mates Clarke and Coppin, the master-gunner and three sailors, eighteen in all. The shallop was a long time getting clear of the point, having to row, but at last got up her sails and out of the harbor. Sent burying-party ashore with body of little More boy, after services aboard.
THURSDAY, Dec. 7/17 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. This day Mistress Dorothy Bradford, wife of Master Bradford, who is away with the exploring party to the westward, fell over board and was drowned.
FRIDAY, Dec. 8/18 At anchor in harbor. A strong south-east gale with heavy rain, turning to snow and growing cold toward night, as it cleared. This day Master James Chilton died aboard the ship. The third passenger, and first head of a family; to die in this harbor.
SUNDAY, Dec. 10/20 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fifth Sunday in this harbor. The exploring party still absent. Four deaths one by drowning; very severe weather; the ship's narrow escape from being blown up; and the absence of so many of the principal men, have made it a hard, gloomy week.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 13/23 At anchor in harbor. Exploration party returned to ship, where much sad intelligence met them (especially Master Bradford), as to his wife's drowning. The exploring party report finding a considerable Indian burying-place; several Indian houses; a fierce attack on them by Indians on Friday morning, but without harm; a severe gale on the same afternoon, in which their rudder-hinges broke, their mast was split in three pieces, their sail fell over board in a heavy sea, and they were like to have been cast away in making a harbor which Master Coppin thought he knew, but was deceived about. They landed on an island at the mouth of the harbor, which they named for Master Clarke, the first mate, and spent Saturday and Sunday there, and on Monday examined the harbor they found, and are agreed that it is the place for settlement. Much satisfaction with the report among the colonists.
THURSDAY, Dec. 14/24 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. The colonists have determined to make settlement at the harbor they visited, and which is apparently, by Captain John Smith's chart of 1616, no other than the place he calls "Plimoth" thereon. Fetched wood and water.
FRIDAY, Dec. 15/25 Weighed anchor to go to the place the exploring party discovered. Course west, after leaving harbor. Shallop in company. Coming within two leagues, the wind coming northwest, could not fetch the harbor, and was faine to put round again towards Cape Cod. Made old anchorage at night. The thirty-fifth night have lain at anchor here. Shallop returned with ship.
SATURDAY, Dec. 16/26 Comes in with fair wind for Plymouth. Weighed anchor and put to sea again and made harbor safely. Shallop in company. Within half an hour of anchoring the wind changed, so if letted [hindered] but a little had gone back to Cape Cod. A fine harbor. Let go anchors just within a long spur of beach a mile or more from shore. The end of the outward voyage; one hundred and two days from Plymouth (England to Plymouth New England). One hundred and fifty-five days from London.
THE SHIPS JOURNAL WHILE SHE LAY IN PLYMOUTH HARBOR
SUNDAY, Dec. 17/27 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Services on ship. This harbor is a bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with goodly land. It is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook.
MONDAY, Dec. 18/28 At anchor, Plymouth harbor: The Master of the ship, with three or four of the sailors and several of the Planters, went aland and marched along the coast several miles. Made careful examination of locality. Found many brooks of fine water, abundant wood, etc. The party came aboard at night weary with marching.
TUESDAY, Dec. 19/29 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. A party from the ship went ashore to discover, some going by land and some keeping to the shallop. A creek was found leading up within the land and followed up three English miles, a very pleasant river at full sea. It was given the name of "Jones River" in compliment to the Master of the ship. A bark of thirty tons may go up at high tide, but the shallop could scarcely pass at low water. All came aboard at night with resolution to fix, to-morrow, which of the several places examined they would settle upon.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 20/30 At anchor, Plymouth harbor, many ill. Dec. After service the colonists decided to go ashore this morning and determine upon one of two places which were thought most fitting for their habitation. So a considerable party went ashore and left twenty of their number there to make a rendezvous, the rest coming on board at night. They reported that they had chosen by the most voices the site first looked at by the largest brook, near where they landed on the 11th on a large rock [Plymouth Rock].
[The "Rock" seems to have become the established landing place of the Pilgrims, from the time of the first visit of the third exploring party on December 11/21. The absurdity of the claims of the partisans of Mary Chilton, in the foolish contention which existed for many years as to whether she or John Alden was the first person to set foot upon the "Rock," is shown by the fact that, of course, no women were with the third exploring party which first landed there, while it is also certain that Alden was not of that exploring party….]
THURSDAY, Dec. 21/31 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Wet and stormy, so the Planters could not go ashore as planned, having blown hard and rained extremely all night. Very uncomfortable for the party on shore. So tempestuous that the shallop could not go to land as soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop went off with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong. Such foul weather forced to ride with three anchors ahead. This day Richard Britteridge, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship, the first to die in this harbor.
FRIDAY, Dec. 22/Jan. 1 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The storm continues, so that no one could go ashore, or those on land come aboard. This morning goodwife Allerton was delivered of a son, but dead-born. The third child born on board the ship since leaving England,—the first in this harbor.
SATURDAY, Dec. 23/Jan. 2 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sent body of Britteridge ashore for burial, the storm having prevented going before, and also a large party of colonists to fell timber, etc. Left a large number on shore at the rendezvous. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Dec. 24/Jan. 3 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Second Sunday here. This day died Solomon Prower, one of the family of Master Martin, the treasurer of the colonists, being the sixth death this month, and the second in this harbor. A burying-party went ashore with Prower's body, after services aboard.
MONDAY, Dec. 25/Jan. 4 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Christmas Day, but not observed by these colonists, they being opposed to all saints' days, etc. The men on shore Sunday reported that they "heard a cry of some savages," as they thought, that day. A large party went ashore this morning to fell timber and begin building. They began to erect the first house about twenty feet square for their common use, to receive them and their goods. Another alarm as of Indians this day. All but twenty of the Planters came aboard at night, leaving the rest to keep court of guard. The colonists began to drink water, but at night the Master caused them to have some beer.
THURSDAY, Dec. 28/Jan. 7 At anchor. All able went ashore this morning to work on a platform for ordnance on the hill back of the settlement, commanding the harbor. The Planters this day laid out their town-site and allotted ground to the several families. Many of the colonists ill from exposure. All but the guard came off to the ship at night.
SATURDAY, Dec. 30/Jan. 9 At anchor in harbor. Very stormy and cold. No working-party sent aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc. Great smokes of fires visible from the ship, six or seven miles away, probably made by Indians.
MONDAY, Jan. 1/Jan. 11 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. This day Degory Priest, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship. A large party went ashore early to work. Much time lost between ship and shore, the ship drawing so much water as obliged to anchor a mile and a half off. The working-party came aboard at nightfall. Fetched wood and water.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 3/Jan. 13 At anchor in harbor. Working-party aland, returned at night. They report seeing great fires of the Indians. Smoke seen from the ship. Have seen no savages since arrival.
THURSDAY, Jan. 4/Jan. 14 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Captain Standish, with four or five men, went to look for savages, and though they found some of their old houses "wigwams" could not meet with any of them.
FRIDAY, Jan. 5/Jan. 15 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Working-party went aland early. One of the sailors found a live herring upon the shore, which the Master had to his supper. As yet have caught but one cod.
SATURDAY, Jan. 6/Jan. 16 At anchor in harbor. In judgment of Masters Brewster, Bradford, and others, Master Martin, the colonists' treasurer, was so hopelessly ill that Governor Carver, who had taken up his quarters on land, was sent for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts. Fetched wood and water.
MONDAY, Jan. 8/Jan. 18 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A very fan fair day. The working-party went aland early. The Master sent, the shallop for fish. They had a great tempest at sea and were in some danger. They returned to the ship at night, with three great seals they had shot, and an excellent great cod. Master Martin died this day. He had been a "governour" of the passengers on the ship, and an "assistant," and was an Adventurer. One of the Master-mates took a musket, and went with young Francis Billington to find the great inland sea the latter had seen from the top of a tree, and found a great water, in two great lakes [Billington Sea,] also Indian houses.
TUESDAY, Jan. 9/Jan. 19 At anchor in harbor. Fair day. Sent burying-party ashore after services aboard, with the body of Master Martin, and he was buried with some ceremony on the hill near the landing-place. The settlers drew lots for their meersteads and garden-plots. The common-house nearly finished, wanting only covering.
FRIDAY, Jan. 12/Jan. 22 At anchor in harbor. Began to rain at noon and stopped all work. Those coming aboard ship at night reported John Goodman and Peter Browne, two of the colonists, missing, and fears entertained that they may have been taken by Indians. Froze and snowed at night. The first snow for a month. An extremely cold night.
SATURDAY, Jan. 13/Jan. 23 At anchor in harbor. The Governor sent out an armed party of ten or twelve to look for the missing men, but they returned without seeing or hearing anything at all of them. Those on shipboard much grieved, as deeming them lost. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Jan. 14/Jan. 24 At anchor in harbor. About six o'clock in the morning, the wind being very great, the watch on deck spied the great new rendezvous on shore on fire and feared it fired by Indians, but the tide being out, men could not get ashore for three quarters of an hour, when they went armed. At the landing they heard that the lost men were returned, some frost-bitten, and that the thatch of the common-house only was burnt by a spark, but no other harm done the roof. The most loss was Governor Carver's and Master Bradford's, both of whom lay sick in bed, and narrowly missed being blown up with powder. The meeting was to have been kept ashore to-day, the greater number of the people now being there, but the fire, etc., prevented. Some of those sick in the common-house were fain to return aboard for shelter. Fifth Sunday in this harbor.
MONDAY, Jan. 15/Jan. 25 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Rained much all day. They on shipboard could not go ashore nor they on shore do any labor, but were all wet.
MONDAY, Jan. 29/Feb. 8 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Morning cold, with frost and sleet, but after reason ably fair. Both long-boat and shallop carrying Planters' goods on shore. Those returning reported that Mistress Rose Standish, wife of Captain Standish, died to-day.
TUESDAY, Jan. 30/Feb. 9 At anchorage. Cold, frosty weather, so no working-party went on shore from ship. The Master and others of the ship's company saw two savages that had been on the island near the ship [Clarke's Island]. They were gone so far back again before they were discovered that could not speak with them. The first natives actually seen since the encounter on the Cape.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 31/Feb. 10 At anchor in harbor. Still cold and frosty, with sleet. No party went on shore. Eight of the colonists have died this month on the ship and on shore.
SUNDAY, Feb. 4/14 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The eighth Sunday in this harbor, and now inexpedient to think of getting away, till both Planters and crew in better condition as to health. A very rainy day with the heaviest gusts of wind yet experienced. The ship in some danger of oversetting, being light and unballasted.
FRIDAY, Feb. 9/19 At anchorage. Cold weather continues. Little work possible. The little house for the sick people on shore took fire this afternoon, by a spark that kindled in the roof. No great harm done. The Master going ashore, killed five geese, which he distributed among the sick people. He also found a good deer the savages had killed, having also cut off his horns. A wolf was eating him. Cannot conceive how he came there.
FRIDAY, Feb. 16/26 At anchorage. Northerly wind continues, which continues the frost. Those from shore reported that one of the Planters, being out fowling and hidden in the reeds, about a mile and a half from the settlement, saw twelve Indians marching toward the plantation and heard many more. He hurried home with all speed and gave the alarm, so all the people in the woods at work returned and armed themselves, but saw nothing of the Indians. Captain Standish's nd Francis Cooke's tools also stolen by Indians in woods. A great fire toward night seen from the ship, about where the Indians were discovered.
SATURDAY, Feb. 17/27 At anchorage. All the colonists on the ship able to go on shore went this morning to attend the meeting for the establishment of military orders among them. They chose Captain Standish their captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. Two savages appeared on the hill, a quarter of a mile from the plantation, while the Planters were consulting, and made signs for Planters to come to them. All armed and stood ready, and sent two towards them, Captain Standish and Master Hopkins, but the natives would not tarry. It was determined to plant the great ordnance in convenient places at once. Fetched wood and water.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 21/Mar. 3 At anchorage. The Master, with many of the sailors, went on shore, taking one of the great pieces called a minion, and with the Planters drew it up the hill, with another piece that lay on the shore, and mounted them and a saller and two bases—five guns—on the platform made for them. A hard day's work. The Master took on shore with him a very fat goose he had shot, to which the Planters added a fat crane, a mallard, and a dried neat's tongue (ox tongue), and Planters and crew feasted together. When the Master went on shore, he sent off the Governor to take the directions of Master Mullens as to his property, as he was lying near to death,—as also Master White. Master Mullens dictated his will to the Governor, which he noted down, and Giles Heale, the chirurgeon, and Christopher Joanes, of the crew, witnessed, they being left aboard to care for the sick, keep the ship, etc. Master Mullens and Master White both died this day. Two others also died. Got the men aboard about nightfall.
THURSDAY, Feb. 22/Mar. 4 At anchorage. Large burial-party went ashore with bodies of Masters Mullens and White, and joined with those on shore made the chief burial thus far had. The service on shore, the most of the people being there, Master Mullens being one of the chief subscribing Adventurers, as well as one of the chief men of the Planters, as was Master White. Their deaths much deplored.
FRIDAY, Feb. 23/Mar. 5 At anchorage. Party from the ship went on shore to help finish work on the ordnance.
SUNDAY, Feb. 25/Mar. 7 At anchorage in Plymouth harbor. Eleventh Sunday in this harbor. Mistress Mary Allerton, wife of Master Isaac Allerton, one of the chief men of the colonists, died on board this day, not having mended well since the birth of her child, dead-born about two months agone.
TUESDAY, Feb. 27/Mar. 9 At anchorage. The sickness and deaths of the colonists on shore have steadily increased, and have extended to the ship, which has lost several of its petty officers, including the master gunner, three quarter-masters, and cook, and a third of the crew, many from scurvy.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 28/Mar. 10 At anchorage. The last day of the month. The fifty-third day the ship has lain in this harbor, and from the present rate of sickness and death aboard, no present capacity or prospect of getting away, those better being yet weak. The Planters have lost seventeen this month, their largest mortality.
FRIDAY, Mar. 16/26 At anchorage. A fair, warm day, towards noon. The Master and others went ashore to the general meeting. The plantation was startled this morning by a visit from an Indian who spoke some English and bade "Welcome." He is from Monhiggon, an island to the eastward some days' sail, near where Sir Ferdinando Gorges had a settlement. He was friendly, and having had much intercourse with Englishmen who came to fish in those parts, very comfortable with them. He saw the ship in the harbor from a distance and supposed her to be a fishing vessel. He told the Governor that the Plantation was formerly called "Patuxet" [or Apaum], and that all its inhabitants had been carried off by a plague about four years ago. All the afternoon was spent in communication with him. The Governor purposed sending him aboard the ship at night, and he was well content to go and went aboard the shallop to come to the ship, but the wind was high and water scant [low], so that the shallop could not go to the ship. The Governor sent him to Master Hopkins's house and set a watch over him.
SATURDAY, Mar. 17/27 At anchor in harbor. The Master and others came off to the ship. Samoset the Indian went away back to the Massasoits whence he came. A reasonably fair day. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Mar. 18/28 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fourteenth Sunday the ship has lain at this anchorage. A fair day. The sickness stayed a little. Many went on shore to the meeting in the common-house. Samoset the savage came again, and brought five others with him. They left their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from the town, as instructed. The Planters gave them entertainment, but would not truck with them. They sang and danced after their manner, and made semblance of amity and friendship. They drank tobacco and carried pounded corn to eat. Their faces were painted. They brought a few skins which they left with the Planters, and returned the tools which Captain Standish and Francis Cooke left in the woods. The Planters dismissed them with a few trifles as soon as they could, it being Sunday, and they promised soon to return and trade. Samoset would not go with them, feigning sick, and stayed. Those on shore from the ship came off to her at night.
WEDNESDAY, Mar. 21/31 At anchorage. A fine warm day. Beginning to put ship in trim for return voyage. Bringing ballast, etc. Some, including the Masters-mates, went on shore, who on return reported that the Planters sent the Indian Samoset away. A general meeting of the Planters was held at the common-house, to conclude laws and orders, and to confirm the military orders formerly proposed, and twice broken off by the savages coming, as happened again. After the meeting had held an hour or so, two or three savages appeared on the hill over against the town, and made semblance of daring the Planters. Captain Standish and another, with their muskets, went over to them, with the two Masters-mates of the ship, who were ashore, also armed with muskets. The savages made show of defiance, but as our men drew near they ran away. This day the carpenter, who has long been ill of scurvy, fitted the shallop to carry all the goods and furniture aboard the ship, on shore.
THURSDAY, Mar. 22/Apr. 1 At anchorage. A very fair, warm day. At work on ship getting ready for sea, bringing ballast aboard, etc. Another general meeting of the Planters which all able attended. They had scarce been an hour together when Samoset the Indian came again with one Squanto, the only native of Patuxet (where the Planters now inhabit) surviving, who was one of the twenty captives carried away from this place by Captain Hunt, to England. He could speak a little English. They brought three other Indians with them. They signified that their great Sagamore, Masasoyt, was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well express what they would in English, but after an hour the king came to the top of the hill, over against the plantation, with his train of about sixty men. Squanto went to him and brought a message that one should be sent to parley with him, and Master Edward Winslow went, to know hisnmind, and signify the wish of the Governor to have trading and peace with him, the Governor sending presents to the king and his brother, with something to eat and drink. The king, leaving Master Winslow with brother, came over the brook, with some twenty of his men, leaving their bows and arrows behind them, and giving some six or seven of their men as hostages for Master Winslow. Captain Standish, with Master Williamson, the ship's-merchant, as interpreter, and a guard of half a dozen musketeers, met the king at the brook, and they saluted each other, and the guard conducted the Sagamore to one of the new houses then building, where were placed a green rug and three or four cushions. Then came the Governor with drum and trumpet, and a guard of musketeers, and they drank to each other in some strong waters, and the Governor gave the king and his followers meat, and they made a treaty in King James's name, and drank tobacco together. His face was painted a sad red, and his head and face were oiled, which made him look greasy. All his followers were more or less painted. So after all was done, the Governor conducted him to the brook, and his brother came, and was also feasted, and then conveyed him to the brook, and Master Winslow returned. Samoset and Squanto stayed in the town and the Indians stayed all night in the woods half a mile away. The last of the colonists on board the ship went ashore to remain to-day.
FRIDAY, Mar. 23/Apr. 2 At anchor. A fair day. Some of the ship's company went on shore. Some of the Indians came again, and Captain Standish and Master Allerton went to see the king, and were welcomed by him. This morning the Indians stayed till ten or eleven of the clock, and the Governor, sending for the king's kettle, filled it with pease, and they went their way? Making ready for sea, getting ballast, wood, and water from the shore, etc. The Planters held a meeting and concluded both of military orders and some laws, and chose as Governor, for the coming year, Master John Carver, who was "governor" on the ship.
SUNDAY, Mar. 25/April 4 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fifteenth Sunday in this port. Many of the crew dead and some still sick, but the sickness and mortality lessening.
THURSDAY, Mar. 29/April 8 At anchorage. The Master offered to take back any of the colonists who wished to return to England, but none desired to go. Getting in stores and ballast.
SATURDAY, Mar. 31/April 10 At anchorage. Setting up rigging, bending light sails, etc. Getting ballast and wood from the beach and island. The colonists have lost thirteen by death the past month, making in all half of their number.
SUNDAY, April 1/11 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The sixteenth Sunday the ship has lain at anchor here, and to be the last, being nearly ready to sail. Most of the crew ashore on liberty. In the sixteen weeks the ship has lain here, half of her crew (but none of her officers) have died, and a few are still weak. Among the petty officers who have died have been the master gunner, boatswain, and three quartermasters, beside the cook, and more than a third of the sailors. A bad voyage for the owner, Adventurers, ship, and crew.
WEDNESDAY, April 4/14 Still at anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sails loosened and all ready for departure except Governor's letters. Last visits of shore people to ship. Sail with morning tide, if wind serves. One hundred and ten days in this harbor.
THURSDAY, April 5/15 Got anchors, and with fair wind got underway at full tide. Many to bid adieu. Set colors and gave Planters a parting salute with the ensign and ordnance. Cleared the harbor without hindrance, and laid general course E.S.E. for England with a fine wind. Took departure from Cape Cod early in the day, shook off the land and got ship to rights before night. All sails set and the ship logging her best.
And so the MAY-FLOWER began her speedy, uneventful, homeward run, of but thirty-one days, arriving in England May 6, 1621, having been absent, on her "round voyage," from her sailing port, two hundred and ninety-six days.
FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter finishing work on shallop. Colonists discussing locations visited, as places for settlement.
SATURDAY, Dec. 2/12 At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among colonists as to settlement, the Master insisting on a speedy determination. Whales playing about the ship in considerable numbers. One lying within half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the Planters shot at her, but the musket of the one who gave fire first blew in pieces both stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Dec. 3/13 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fourth Sunday here. Scarce any of those aboard free from vehement coughs, some very ill. Weather very variable.
MONDAY, Dec. 4/14 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter completing repairs on shallop. Much discussion of plans for settlement. The Master urging that the Planters should explore with their shallop at some distance, declining in such season to stir from the present anchorage till a safe harbor is discovered by them where they would be and he might go without danger. This day died Edward Thompson, a servant of Master William White, the first to die aboard the ship since she anchored in the harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services to bury him.
TUESDAY, Dec. 5/15 At anchor in harbor. Francis Billington, a young son of one of the passengers, put the ship and all in great jeopardy, by shooting off a fowling-piece in his father's cabin between decks where there was a small barrel of powder open, and many people about the fire close by. None hurt. Weather cold and foul.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6/16 At anchor in harbor. Very cold, bad weather. This day died Jasper More, a lad bound to Governor Carver. The second death in the harbor. The third exploring party got away from the ship in the afternoon in the shallop, intent on finding a harbor recommended by the second mate, Robert Coppin, who had visited it. Captain Standish in command, with whom were Governor Carver, Masters Bradford, Winslow, John Tilley and Edward Tilley, Warren and Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Dotey, and two of the colonists' seamen, Alderton and English, and of the ship's company, the mates Clarke and Coppin, the master-gunner and three sailors, eighteen in all. The shallop was a long time getting clear of the point, having to row, but at last got up her sails and out of the harbor. Sent burying-party ashore with body of little More boy, after services aboard.
THURSDAY, Dec. 7/17 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. This day Mistress Dorothy Bradford, wife of Master Bradford, who is away with the exploring party to the westward, fell over board and was drowned.
FRIDAY, Dec. 8/18 At anchor in harbor. A strong south-east gale with heavy rain, turning to snow and growing cold toward night, as it cleared. This day Master James Chilton died aboard the ship. The third passenger, and first head of a family; to die in this harbor.
SUNDAY, Dec. 10/20 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fifth Sunday in this harbor. The exploring party still absent. Four deaths one by drowning; very severe weather; the ship's narrow escape from being blown up; and the absence of so many of the principal men, have made it a hard, gloomy week.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 13/23 At anchor in harbor. Exploration party returned to ship, where much sad intelligence met them (especially Master Bradford), as to his wife's drowning. The exploring party report finding a considerable Indian burying-place; several Indian houses; a fierce attack on them by Indians on Friday morning, but without harm; a severe gale on the same afternoon, in which their rudder-hinges broke, their mast was split in three pieces, their sail fell over board in a heavy sea, and they were like to have been cast away in making a harbor which Master Coppin thought he knew, but was deceived about. They landed on an island at the mouth of the harbor, which they named for Master Clarke, the first mate, and spent Saturday and Sunday there, and on Monday examined the harbor they found, and are agreed that it is the place for settlement. Much satisfaction with the report among the colonists.
THURSDAY, Dec. 14/24 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. The colonists have determined to make settlement at the harbor they visited, and which is apparently, by Captain John Smith's chart of 1616, no other than the place he calls "Plimoth" thereon. Fetched wood and water.
FRIDAY, Dec. 15/25 Weighed anchor to go to the place the exploring party discovered. Course west, after leaving harbor. Shallop in company. Coming within two leagues, the wind coming northwest, could not fetch the harbor, and was faine to put round again towards Cape Cod. Made old anchorage at night. The thirty-fifth night have lain at anchor here. Shallop returned with ship.
SATURDAY, Dec. 16/26 Comes in with fair wind for Plymouth. Weighed anchor and put to sea again and made harbor safely. Shallop in company. Within half an hour of anchoring the wind changed, so if letted [hindered] but a little had gone back to Cape Cod. A fine harbor. Let go anchors just within a long spur of beach a mile or more from shore. The end of the outward voyage; one hundred and two days from Plymouth (England to Plymouth New England). One hundred and fifty-five days from London.
THE SHIPS JOURNAL WHILE SHE LAY IN PLYMOUTH HARBOR
SUNDAY, Dec. 17/27 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Services on ship. This harbor is a bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with goodly land. It is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook.
MONDAY, Dec. 18/28 At anchor, Plymouth harbor: The Master of the ship, with three or four of the sailors and several of the Planters, went aland and marched along the coast several miles. Made careful examination of locality. Found many brooks of fine water, abundant wood, etc. The party came aboard at night weary with marching.
TUESDAY, Dec. 19/29 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. A party from the ship went ashore to discover, some going by land and some keeping to the shallop. A creek was found leading up within the land and followed up three English miles, a very pleasant river at full sea. It was given the name of "Jones River" in compliment to the Master of the ship. A bark of thirty tons may go up at high tide, but the shallop could scarcely pass at low water. All came aboard at night with resolution to fix, to-morrow, which of the several places examined they would settle upon.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 20/30 At anchor, Plymouth harbor, many ill. Dec. After service the colonists decided to go ashore this morning and determine upon one of two places which were thought most fitting for their habitation. So a considerable party went ashore and left twenty of their number there to make a rendezvous, the rest coming on board at night. They reported that they had chosen by the most voices the site first looked at by the largest brook, near where they landed on the 11th on a large rock [Plymouth Rock].
[The "Rock" seems to have become the established landing place of the Pilgrims, from the time of the first visit of the third exploring party on December 11/21. The absurdity of the claims of the partisans of Mary Chilton, in the foolish contention which existed for many years as to whether she or John Alden was the first person to set foot upon the "Rock," is shown by the fact that, of course, no women were with the third exploring party which first landed there, while it is also certain that Alden was not of that exploring party….]
THURSDAY, Dec. 21/31 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Wet and stormy, so the Planters could not go ashore as planned, having blown hard and rained extremely all night. Very uncomfortable for the party on shore. So tempestuous that the shallop could not go to land as soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop went off with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong. Such foul weather forced to ride with three anchors ahead. This day Richard Britteridge, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship, the first to die in this harbor.
FRIDAY, Dec. 22/Jan. 1 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The storm continues, so that no one could go ashore, or those on land come aboard. This morning goodwife Allerton was delivered of a son, but dead-born. The third child born on board the ship since leaving England,—the first in this harbor.
SATURDAY, Dec. 23/Jan. 2 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sent body of Britteridge ashore for burial, the storm having prevented going before, and also a large party of colonists to fell timber, etc. Left a large number on shore at the rendezvous. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Dec. 24/Jan. 3 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Second Sunday here. This day died Solomon Prower, one of the family of Master Martin, the treasurer of the colonists, being the sixth death this month, and the second in this harbor. A burying-party went ashore with Prower's body, after services aboard.
MONDAY, Dec. 25/Jan. 4 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Christmas Day, but not observed by these colonists, they being opposed to all saints' days, etc. The men on shore Sunday reported that they "heard a cry of some savages," as they thought, that day. A large party went ashore this morning to fell timber and begin building. They began to erect the first house about twenty feet square for their common use, to receive them and their goods. Another alarm as of Indians this day. All but twenty of the Planters came aboard at night, leaving the rest to keep court of guard. The colonists began to drink water, but at night the Master caused them to have some beer.
THURSDAY, Dec. 28/Jan. 7 At anchor. All able went ashore this morning to work on a platform for ordnance on the hill back of the settlement, commanding the harbor. The Planters this day laid out their town-site and allotted ground to the several families. Many of the colonists ill from exposure. All but the guard came off to the ship at night.
SATURDAY, Dec. 30/Jan. 9 At anchor in harbor. Very stormy and cold. No working-party sent aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc. Great smokes of fires visible from the ship, six or seven miles away, probably made by Indians.
MONDAY, Jan. 1/Jan. 11 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. This day Degory Priest, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship. A large party went ashore early to work. Much time lost between ship and shore, the ship drawing so much water as obliged to anchor a mile and a half off. The working-party came aboard at nightfall. Fetched wood and water.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 3/Jan. 13 At anchor in harbor. Working-party aland, returned at night. They report seeing great fires of the Indians. Smoke seen from the ship. Have seen no savages since arrival.
THURSDAY, Jan. 4/Jan. 14 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Captain Standish, with four or five men, went to look for savages, and though they found some of their old houses "wigwams" could not meet with any of them.
FRIDAY, Jan. 5/Jan. 15 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Working-party went aland early. One of the sailors found a live herring upon the shore, which the Master had to his supper. As yet have caught but one cod.
SATURDAY, Jan. 6/Jan. 16 At anchor in harbor. In judgment of Masters Brewster, Bradford, and others, Master Martin, the colonists' treasurer, was so hopelessly ill that Governor Carver, who had taken up his quarters on land, was sent for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts. Fetched wood and water.
MONDAY, Jan. 8/Jan. 18 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A very fan fair day. The working-party went aland early. The Master sent, the shallop for fish. They had a great tempest at sea and were in some danger. They returned to the ship at night, with three great seals they had shot, and an excellent great cod. Master Martin died this day. He had been a "governour" of the passengers on the ship, and an "assistant," and was an Adventurer. One of the Master-mates took a musket, and went with young Francis Billington to find the great inland sea the latter had seen from the top of a tree, and found a great water, in two great lakes [Billington Sea,] also Indian houses.
TUESDAY, Jan. 9/Jan. 19 At anchor in harbor. Fair day. Sent burying-party ashore after services aboard, with the body of Master Martin, and he was buried with some ceremony on the hill near the landing-place. The settlers drew lots for their meersteads and garden-plots. The common-house nearly finished, wanting only covering.
FRIDAY, Jan. 12/Jan. 22 At anchor in harbor. Began to rain at noon and stopped all work. Those coming aboard ship at night reported John Goodman and Peter Browne, two of the colonists, missing, and fears entertained that they may have been taken by Indians. Froze and snowed at night. The first snow for a month. An extremely cold night.
SATURDAY, Jan. 13/Jan. 23 At anchor in harbor. The Governor sent out an armed party of ten or twelve to look for the missing men, but they returned without seeing or hearing anything at all of them. Those on shipboard much grieved, as deeming them lost. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Jan. 14/Jan. 24 At anchor in harbor. About six o'clock in the morning, the wind being very great, the watch on deck spied the great new rendezvous on shore on fire and feared it fired by Indians, but the tide being out, men could not get ashore for three quarters of an hour, when they went armed. At the landing they heard that the lost men were returned, some frost-bitten, and that the thatch of the common-house only was burnt by a spark, but no other harm done the roof. The most loss was Governor Carver's and Master Bradford's, both of whom lay sick in bed, and narrowly missed being blown up with powder. The meeting was to have been kept ashore to-day, the greater number of the people now being there, but the fire, etc., prevented. Some of those sick in the common-house were fain to return aboard for shelter. Fifth Sunday in this harbor.
MONDAY, Jan. 15/Jan. 25 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Rained much all day. They on shipboard could not go ashore nor they on shore do any labor, but were all wet.
MONDAY, Jan. 29/Feb. 8 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Morning cold, with frost and sleet, but after reason ably fair. Both long-boat and shallop carrying Planters' goods on shore. Those returning reported that Mistress Rose Standish, wife of Captain Standish, died to-day.
TUESDAY, Jan. 30/Feb. 9 At anchorage. Cold, frosty weather, so no working-party went on shore from ship. The Master and others of the ship's company saw two savages that had been on the island near the ship [Clarke's Island]. They were gone so far back again before they were discovered that could not speak with them. The first natives actually seen since the encounter on the Cape.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 31/Feb. 10 At anchor in harbor. Still cold and frosty, with sleet. No party went on shore. Eight of the colonists have died this month on the ship and on shore.
SUNDAY, Feb. 4/14 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The eighth Sunday in this harbor, and now inexpedient to think of getting away, till both Planters and crew in better condition as to health. A very rainy day with the heaviest gusts of wind yet experienced. The ship in some danger of oversetting, being light and unballasted.
FRIDAY, Feb. 9/19 At anchorage. Cold weather continues. Little work possible. The little house for the sick people on shore took fire this afternoon, by a spark that kindled in the roof. No great harm done. The Master going ashore, killed five geese, which he distributed among the sick people. He also found a good deer the savages had killed, having also cut off his horns. A wolf was eating him. Cannot conceive how he came there.
FRIDAY, Feb. 16/26 At anchorage. Northerly wind continues, which continues the frost. Those from shore reported that one of the Planters, being out fowling and hidden in the reeds, about a mile and a half from the settlement, saw twelve Indians marching toward the plantation and heard many more. He hurried home with all speed and gave the alarm, so all the people in the woods at work returned and armed themselves, but saw nothing of the Indians. Captain Standish's nd Francis Cooke's tools also stolen by Indians in woods. A great fire toward night seen from the ship, about where the Indians were discovered.
SATURDAY, Feb. 17/27 At anchorage. All the colonists on the ship able to go on shore went this morning to attend the meeting for the establishment of military orders among them. They chose Captain Standish their captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. Two savages appeared on the hill, a quarter of a mile from the plantation, while the Planters were consulting, and made signs for Planters to come to them. All armed and stood ready, and sent two towards them, Captain Standish and Master Hopkins, but the natives would not tarry. It was determined to plant the great ordnance in convenient places at once. Fetched wood and water.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 21/Mar. 3 At anchorage. The Master, with many of the sailors, went on shore, taking one of the great pieces called a minion, and with the Planters drew it up the hill, with another piece that lay on the shore, and mounted them and a saller and two bases—five guns—on the platform made for them. A hard day's work. The Master took on shore with him a very fat goose he had shot, to which the Planters added a fat crane, a mallard, and a dried neat's tongue (ox tongue), and Planters and crew feasted together. When the Master went on shore, he sent off the Governor to take the directions of Master Mullens as to his property, as he was lying near to death,—as also Master White. Master Mullens dictated his will to the Governor, which he noted down, and Giles Heale, the chirurgeon, and Christopher Joanes, of the crew, witnessed, they being left aboard to care for the sick, keep the ship, etc. Master Mullens and Master White both died this day. Two others also died. Got the men aboard about nightfall.
THURSDAY, Feb. 22/Mar. 4 At anchorage. Large burial-party went ashore with bodies of Masters Mullens and White, and joined with those on shore made the chief burial thus far had. The service on shore, the most of the people being there, Master Mullens being one of the chief subscribing Adventurers, as well as one of the chief men of the Planters, as was Master White. Their deaths much deplored.
FRIDAY, Feb. 23/Mar. 5 At anchorage. Party from the ship went on shore to help finish work on the ordnance.
SUNDAY, Feb. 25/Mar. 7 At anchorage in Plymouth harbor. Eleventh Sunday in this harbor. Mistress Mary Allerton, wife of Master Isaac Allerton, one of the chief men of the colonists, died on board this day, not having mended well since the birth of her child, dead-born about two months agone.
TUESDAY, Feb. 27/Mar. 9 At anchorage. The sickness and deaths of the colonists on shore have steadily increased, and have extended to the ship, which has lost several of its petty officers, including the master gunner, three quarter-masters, and cook, and a third of the crew, many from scurvy.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 28/Mar. 10 At anchorage. The last day of the month. The fifty-third day the ship has lain in this harbor, and from the present rate of sickness and death aboard, no present capacity or prospect of getting away, those better being yet weak. The Planters have lost seventeen this month, their largest mortality.
FRIDAY, Mar. 16/26 At anchorage. A fair, warm day, towards noon. The Master and others went ashore to the general meeting. The plantation was startled this morning by a visit from an Indian who spoke some English and bade "Welcome." He is from Monhiggon, an island to the eastward some days' sail, near where Sir Ferdinando Gorges had a settlement. He was friendly, and having had much intercourse with Englishmen who came to fish in those parts, very comfortable with them. He saw the ship in the harbor from a distance and supposed her to be a fishing vessel. He told the Governor that the Plantation was formerly called "Patuxet" [or Apaum], and that all its inhabitants had been carried off by a plague about four years ago. All the afternoon was spent in communication with him. The Governor purposed sending him aboard the ship at night, and he was well content to go and went aboard the shallop to come to the ship, but the wind was high and water scant [low], so that the shallop could not go to the ship. The Governor sent him to Master Hopkins's house and set a watch over him.
SATURDAY, Mar. 17/27 At anchor in harbor. The Master and others came off to the ship. Samoset the Indian went away back to the Massasoits whence he came. A reasonably fair day. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Mar. 18/28 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fourteenth Sunday the ship has lain at this anchorage. A fair day. The sickness stayed a little. Many went on shore to the meeting in the common-house. Samoset the savage came again, and brought five others with him. They left their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from the town, as instructed. The Planters gave them entertainment, but would not truck with them. They sang and danced after their manner, and made semblance of amity and friendship. They drank tobacco and carried pounded corn to eat. Their faces were painted. They brought a few skins which they left with the Planters, and returned the tools which Captain Standish and Francis Cooke left in the woods. The Planters dismissed them with a few trifles as soon as they could, it being Sunday, and they promised soon to return and trade. Samoset would not go with them, feigning sick, and stayed. Those on shore from the ship came off to her at night.
WEDNESDAY, Mar. 21/31 At anchorage. A fine warm day. Beginning to put ship in trim for return voyage. Bringing ballast, etc. Some, including the Masters-mates, went on shore, who on return reported that the Planters sent the Indian Samoset away. A general meeting of the Planters was held at the common-house, to conclude laws and orders, and to confirm the military orders formerly proposed, and twice broken off by the savages coming, as happened again. After the meeting had held an hour or so, two or three savages appeared on the hill over against the town, and made semblance of daring the Planters. Captain Standish and another, with their muskets, went over to them, with the two Masters-mates of the ship, who were ashore, also armed with muskets. The savages made show of defiance, but as our men drew near they ran away. This day the carpenter, who has long been ill of scurvy, fitted the shallop to carry all the goods and furniture aboard the ship, on shore.
THURSDAY, Mar. 22/Apr. 1 At anchorage. A very fair, warm day. At work on ship getting ready for sea, bringing ballast aboard, etc. Another general meeting of the Planters which all able attended. They had scarce been an hour together when Samoset the Indian came again with one Squanto, the only native of Patuxet (where the Planters now inhabit) surviving, who was one of the twenty captives carried away from this place by Captain Hunt, to England. He could speak a little English. They brought three other Indians with them. They signified that their great Sagamore, Masasoyt, was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well express what they would in English, but after an hour the king came to the top of the hill, over against the plantation, with his train of about sixty men. Squanto went to him and brought a message that one should be sent to parley with him, and Master Edward Winslow went, to know hisnmind, and signify the wish of the Governor to have trading and peace with him, the Governor sending presents to the king and his brother, with something to eat and drink. The king, leaving Master Winslow with brother, came over the brook, with some twenty of his men, leaving their bows and arrows behind them, and giving some six or seven of their men as hostages for Master Winslow. Captain Standish, with Master Williamson, the ship's-merchant, as interpreter, and a guard of half a dozen musketeers, met the king at the brook, and they saluted each other, and the guard conducted the Sagamore to one of the new houses then building, where were placed a green rug and three or four cushions. Then came the Governor with drum and trumpet, and a guard of musketeers, and they drank to each other in some strong waters, and the Governor gave the king and his followers meat, and they made a treaty in King James's name, and drank tobacco together. His face was painted a sad red, and his head and face were oiled, which made him look greasy. All his followers were more or less painted. So after all was done, the Governor conducted him to the brook, and his brother came, and was also feasted, and then conveyed him to the brook, and Master Winslow returned. Samoset and Squanto stayed in the town and the Indians stayed all night in the woods half a mile away. The last of the colonists on board the ship went ashore to remain to-day.
FRIDAY, Mar. 23/Apr. 2 At anchor. A fair day. Some of the ship's company went on shore. Some of the Indians came again, and Captain Standish and Master Allerton went to see the king, and were welcomed by him. This morning the Indians stayed till ten or eleven of the clock, and the Governor, sending for the king's kettle, filled it with pease, and they went their way? Making ready for sea, getting ballast, wood, and water from the shore, etc. The Planters held a meeting and concluded both of military orders and some laws, and chose as Governor, for the coming year, Master John Carver, who was "governor" on the ship.
SUNDAY, Mar. 25/April 4 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fifteenth Sunday in this port. Many of the crew dead and some still sick, but the sickness and mortality lessening.
THURSDAY, Mar. 29/April 8 At anchorage. The Master offered to take back any of the colonists who wished to return to England, but none desired to go. Getting in stores and ballast.
SATURDAY, Mar. 31/April 10 At anchorage. Setting up rigging, bending light sails, etc. Getting ballast and wood from the beach and island. The colonists have lost thirteen by death the past month, making in all half of their number.
SUNDAY, April 1/11 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The sixteenth Sunday the ship has lain at anchor here, and to be the last, being nearly ready to sail. Most of the crew ashore on liberty. In the sixteen weeks the ship has lain here, half of her crew (but none of her officers) have died, and a few are still weak. Among the petty officers who have died have been the master gunner, boatswain, and three quartermasters, beside the cook, and more than a third of the sailors. A bad voyage for the owner, Adventurers, ship, and crew.
WEDNESDAY, April 4/14 Still at anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sails loosened and all ready for departure except Governor's letters. Last visits of shore people to ship. Sail with morning tide, if wind serves. One hundred and ten days in this harbor.
THURSDAY, April 5/15 Got anchors, and with fair wind got underway at full tide. Many to bid adieu. Set colors and gave Planters a parting salute with the ensign and ordnance. Cleared the harbor without hindrance, and laid general course E.S.E. for England with a fine wind. Took departure from Cape Cod early in the day, shook off the land and got ship to rights before night. All sails set and the ship logging her best.
And so the MAY-FLOWER began her speedy, uneventful, homeward run, of but thirty-one days, arriving in England May 6, 1621, having been absent, on her "round voyage," from her sailing port, two hundred and ninety-six days.
Sunday, March 2, 2008
A Pilgrim’s Third Day in Mecca
The Englishman Richard Burton tells us of his 19th century visit to Mecca disguised as a Muslim pilgrim in his: PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF A PILGRIMAGE TO AL-MADINAH & MECCAH BY CAPTAIN SIR RICHARD F. BURTON, K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., &c., &c., &c. EDITED BY HIS WIFE, ISABEL BURTON.
“Our notions of Mecca must be drawn from the Arabians; as no unbelieveris permitted to enter the city, our travellers are silent.”—Gibbon,
MEMORIAL EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II. CHAPTER XXX.
THE CEREMONIES OF THE YAUM NAHR, OR THE THIRD DAY.
At dawn on the id al-Kurban (10th Zu’l Hijjah, Wednesday, 14th September) a gun warned us to lose no time; we arose hurriedly, and started up the Batn Muhassir to Muna. By this means we lost at Muzdalifah the “Salat al-id,” or “Festival Prayers,” the great solemnity of the Moslem year, performed by all the community at daybreak. My companion was so anxious to reach Meccah, that he would not hear of devotions. About eight A.M. we entered the village, and looked for the boy Mohammed in vain. Old Ali was dreadfully perplexed; a host of high-born Turkish pilgrims were, he said, expecting him; his mule was missing—could never appear—he must be late—should probably never reach Meccah—what would become of him? I began by administering admonition to the mind diseased; but signally failing in a cure, I amused myself with contemplating the world from my Shugduf, leaving the office of directing it to the old Zemzemi. Now he stopped, then he pressed forward; here he thought he saw Mohammed, there he discovered our tent; at one time he would “nakh” the camel to await, in patience, his supreme hour; at another, half mad with nervousness, he would urge the excellent Mas’ud to hopeless inquiries. Finally, by good fortune, we found one of the boy Mohammed’s cousins, who led us to an enclosure [p.203] called Hosh al-Uzam, in the Southern portion of the Muna Basin, at the base of Mount Sabir.[FN#1] There we pitched the tent, refreshed ourselves, and awaited the truant’s return. Old Ali, failing to disturb my equanimity, attempted, as those who consort with philosophers often will do, to quarrel with me. But, finding no material wherewith to build a dispute in such fragments as “Ah!”—“Hem!”—“Wallah!” he hinted desperate intentions against the boy Mohammed. When, however, the youth appeared, with even more jauntiness of mien than usual, Ali bin Ya Sin lost heart, brushed by him, mounted his mule, and, doubtless cursing us “under the tongue,” rode away, frowning viciously, with his heels playing upon the beast’s ribs. Mohammed had been delayed, he said, by the difficulty of finding asses. We were now to mount for “the Throwing,[FN#2]” as a preliminary to which we washed “with seven waters” the seven pebbles brought from Muzdalifah, and bound them in our Ihrams.
Our first destination was the entrance to the western end of the long line which composes the Muna village. We found a swarming crowd in the narrow road opposite the “Jamrat al-Akabah,[FN#3]” or, as it is vulgarly called, the Shaytan al-Kabir—the “Great Devil.” These names distinguish it from another pillar, the “Wusta,” or “Central Place,” (of stoning,) built in the middle of Muna, and a third at the eastern end, “Al-Aula,” or the “First Place.[FN#4]” The “Shaytan al-Kabir” is a dwarf buttress of rude [p.204] masonry, about eight feet high by two and a half broad, placed against a rough wall of stones at the Meccan entrance to Muna. As the ceremony of “Ramy,” or Lapidation, must be performed on the first day by all pilgrims between sunrise and sunset, and as the fiend was malicious enough to appear in a rugged Pass,[FN#5] the crowd makes the place dangerous. On one side of the road, which is not forty feet broad, stood a row of shops belonging principally to barbers. On the other side is the rugged wall against which the pillar stands, with a chevaux de frise of Badawin and naked boys. The narrow space was crowded with pilgrims, all struggling like drowning men to approach as near as possible to the Devil; it would have been easy to run over the heads of the mass. Amongst them were horsemen with rearing chargers. Badawin on wild camels, and grandees on mules and asses, with outrunners, were breaking a way by assault and battery. I had read Ali Bey’s self-felicitations upon escaping this place with “only two wounds in the left leg,” and I had duly provided myself with a hidden dagger. The precaution was not useless. Scarcely had my donkey entered the crowd than he was overthrown by a dromedary, and I found myself under the stamping and roaring beast’s stomach. Avoiding being trampled upon by a judicious use of the knife, I lost no time in escaping from a place so ignobly dangerous. Some Moslem travellers assert, in proof of the sanctity of the spot, that no Moslem is ever killed here: Meccans assured me that accidents are by no means rare.
Presently the boy Mohammed fought his way out of the crowd with a bleeding nose. We both sat down upon a bench before a barber’s booth,and, schooled by adversity, [p.205] awaited with patience an opportunity. Finding an opening, we approached within about five cubits of the place, and holding each stone between the thumb and the forefinger[FN#6] of the right hand, we cast it at the pillar, exclaiming, “In the name of Allah, and Allah is Almighty! (I do this) in Hatred of the Fiend and to his Shame.” After which came the Tahlil and the “Sana,” or praise to Allah. The seven stones being duly thrown, we retired, and entering the barber’s booth, took our places upon one of the earthern benches around it. This was the time to remove the Ihram or pilgrim’s garb, and to return to Ihlal, the normal state of Al-Islam. The barber shaved our heads,[FN#7] and, after trimming our beards and cutting our nails, made us repeat these words: “I purpose loosening my Ihram according to the Practice of the Prophet, Whom may Allah bless and preserve! O Allah, make unto me in every Hair, a Light, a Purity, and a generous Reward! In the name of Allah, and Allah is Almighty!” At the conclusion of his labour, the barber politely addressed to us a “Na’iman—Pleasure to you!” To which we as ceremoniously replied, “Allah give thee pleasure!” We had no clothes with us, but we could use our cloths to cover our heads, and slippers to defend our feet from the fiery sun; and we now could safely twirl our mustachios and stroke our beards—placid enjoyments of which we had been deprived by the [p.206] Laws of Pilgrimage. After resting about an hour in the booth, which, though crowded with sitting customers, was delightfully cool compared with the burning glare of the road, we mounted our asses, and at eleven A.M. we started Meccah-wards.
This return from Muna to Meccah is called Al-Nafr, or the Flight[FN#8]:we did not fail to keep our asses at speed, with a few halts to refreshourselves with gugglets of water. There was nothing remarkable in thescene: our ride in was a repetition of our ride out. In about half anhour we entered the city, passing through that classical locality called “Batn Kuraysh,” which was crowded with people, and then we repaired to the boy Mohammed’s house for the purpose of bathing and preparing to visit the Ka’abah.
Shortly after our arrival, the youth returned home in a state of excitement, exclaiming, “Rise, Effendi! dress and follow me!” The Ka’abah, though open, would for a time be empty, so that we should escape the crowd. My pilgrim’s garb, which had not been removed, was made to look neat and somewhat Indian, and we sallied forth together without loss of time. A crowd had gathered round the Ka’abah, and I had no wish to standbareheaded and barefooted in the midday September sun. At the cry of“Open a path for the Haji who would enter the House,” the gazers made way. Two stout Meccans, who stood below the door, raised me in their arms, whilst a third drew me from above into the building. At the entrance I was accosted by several officials, dark-looking Meccans, of whom the blackest and plainest was a youth of the Benu Shaybah family,[FN#9][p.207] the sangre-azul of Al-Hijaz. He held in his hand the huge silver-gilt padlock of the Ka’abah,[FN#10] and presently taking his seat upon a kind of wooden press in the left corner of the hall, he officially inquired my name, nation, and other particulars. The replies were satisfactory, and the boy Mohammed was authoritatively ordered to conduct me round the building, and to recite the prayers. I will not deny that, looking at the windowless walls, the officials at the door, and the crowd of excited fanatics below—“And the place death, considering who I was,”[FN#11] my feelings were of the trapped-rat description, acknowledged by the immortal nephew of his uncle Perez. This did not, however, prevent my carefully observing the scene during our long prayers, and making a rough plan with a pencil upon my white Ihram.
Nothing is more simple than the interior of this celebrated building. The pavement, which is level with the ground, is composed of slabs offine and various coloured marbles, mostly, however, white, disposedchequerwise. The walls, as far as they can be seen, are of the samematerial, but the pieces are irregularly shaped, and many of them areengraved with long inscriptions in the Suls and other modern characters. The upper part of the walls, together with the ceiling, atwhich it is considered disrespectful to look,[FN#12] are covered withhandsome [p.208] red damask, flowered over with gold,[FN#13] and tucked up about six feet high, so as to be removed from pilgrims’ hands. The flat roof is upheld by three cross-beams, whose shapes appear under the arras; they rest upon the eastern and western walls, and are supported in the centre by three columns[FN#14] about twenty inches in diameter, covered with carved and ornamented aloes wood.[FN#15] At the Iraki corner there is a dwarf door, called Bab al-Taubah (of repentance).[FN#16] It leads into a narrow passage and to the staircase by which the servants ascend to the roof: it is never opened except for working purposes. The “Aswad” or [p.209] “As’ad[FN#17]” corner is occupied by a flat-topped and quadrant-shaped press or safe,[FN#18] in which at times is placed the key of the Ka’abah.[FN#19] Both door and safe are of aloes wood. Between the columns, and about nine feet from the ground, ran bars of a metal which I could not distinguish, and hanging to them were many lamps, said to be of gold. Although there were in the Ka’abah but a few attendants engaged in preparing it for the entrance of pilgrims,[FN#20] the windowless stonewalls and the choked-up door made it worse than the Piombi of Venice; perspiration trickled in large drops, and I thought with horror what it must be when filled with a mass of furiously jostling and crushingfanatics. Our devotions consisted of a two-bow prayer,[FN#21] followed by long supplications at the Shami (West) corner, the Iraki (north) angle, the Yamani (south), and, lastly, opposite the southern third ofthe back wall.[FN#22]
These concluded, I returned to the door, where payment is made. The boy Mohammed told me that the total expense wouldbe seven dollars. At the same time he had been indulging aloud in his favourite rhodomontade, boasting of my greatness, and had declared me to be an Indian pilgrim, a race still supposed at [p.210] Meccah to be made of gold.[FN#23] When seven dollars were tendered, they were rejected with instance. Expecting something of the kind, I had been careful to bring no more than eight. Being pulled and interpellated by half a dozen attendants, my course was to look stupid, and to pretend ignorance of the language. Presently the Shaybah youth bethought him of a contrivance. Drawing forth from the press the key of the Ka’abah, he partly bared it of its green-silk gold-lettered etui,[FN#24] and rubbed a golden knob quartrefoil-shaped upon my eyes, in order to brighten them. I submitted to the operation with a good grace, and added a dollar—my last—to the former offering. The Sharif received it with a hopeless glance, and, to my satisfaction, would not put forth his hand to be kissed. Then the attendants began to demand vails I replied by opening my empty pouch. When let down from the door by the two brawny Meccans, I was expected to pay them, and accordingly appointed to meet them at the boy Mohammed’s house; an arrangement to which they grumblingly assented. When delivered from these troubles, I was congratulated by my sharp companion thus: “Wallah, Effendi! thou hast escaped well! some men have left their skins behind.[FN#25]” [p.211]
All pilgrims do not enter the Ka’abah[FN#26]; and many refuse to do so for religious reasons. Omar Effendi, for instance, who never missed a pilgrimage, had never seen the interior.[FN#27] Those who tread the hallowed floor are bound, among many other things, never again to walk barefooted, to take up fire with the fingers, or to tell lies. Most really conscientious men cannot afford the luxuries of slippers, tongs, and truth. So thought Thomas, when offered the apple which would give him the tongue which cannot lie:— “‘My tongue is mine ain,’ true Thomas said.‘A gudely gift ye wad gie to me!I neither dought to buy nor sell At fair or tryst, where I may be, I dought neither speak to prince or peer, Nor ask of grace from fair ladye!’”
Amongst the Hindus I have met with men who have proceeded upon a pilgrimage to Dwarka, and yet who would not receive the brand of the god, because lying would then be forbidden to them. A confidential servant of a friend in Bombay naïvely declared that he had not been marked, as the act would have ruined him. There is a sad truth in what he said: Lying to the Oriental is meat and drink, and the roof that shelters him.
The Ka’abah had been dressed in her new attire when we entered.[FN#28] The covering, however, instead of being [p.212] secured at the bottom to the metal rings in the basement, was tucked up by ropes from the roof, and depended over each face in two long tongues. It was of a brilliant black, and the Hizam—the zone or golden band running round the upper portion of the building—as well as the Burka (face-veil), were of dazzling brightness.[FN#29] The origin of this custom must be sought in the ancient practice of typifying the church visible by a virgin or bride.
The poet Abd al-Rahim al Bura’i, in one of his Gnostic effusions, has embodied the idea:—([Arabic])“And Meccah’s bride (i.e. the Ka’abah) is displayed with (miraculous) signs.” This idea doubtless led to the face-veil, the covering, and the guardianship of eunuchs.
The Meccan temple was first dressed as a mark of[p.213] honour by Tobba the Himyarite when he Judaized.[FN#30] If we accept this fact, which is vouched for by Oriental history, we are led to the conclusion that the children of Israel settled at Meccah had connected the temple with their own faith, and, as a corollary, that the prophet of Al-Islam introduced their apocryphal traditions into his creed.
The pagan Arabs did not remove the coverings: the old and torn Kiswah was covered with a new cloth, and the weight threatened to crush the building.[FN#31] From the time of Kusay, the Ka’abah was veiled by subscription, till Abu Rabi’at al-Mughayrah bin Abdullah, who, having acquired great wealth by commerce, offered to provide the Kiswah on alternate years, and thereby gained the name of Al-adil. The Prophet preferred a covering of fine Yaman cloth, and directed the expense to be defrayed by the Bayt al-Mal, or public treasury. Omar chose Egyptian linen, ordering the Kiswah to be renewed every year, and the old covering to be distributed among the pilgrims. In the reign of Osman, the Ka’abah was twice clothed, in winter and summer. For the former season, it received a Kamis, or Tobe (shirt) of brocade; with an Izar, or veil: for the latter a suit of fine linen. Mu’awiyah at first supplied linen and brocade; he afterwards exchanged the former for striped Yaman stuff, and ordered Shaybah bin Osman to strip the Ka’abah and to perfume the walls with Khaluk. Shaybah divided the old Kiswah among the pilgrims, and Abdullah bin Abbas did not object to this distribution.[FN#32] The Caliph Ma’amun (9th century) ordered [p.214] the dress to be changed three times a year. In his day it was red brocade on the 10th Muharram; fine linen on the 1st Rajab; and white brocade on the 1st Shawwal. At last he was informed that the veil applied on the 10th of Muharram was too closely followed by the red brocade in the next month, and that it required renewing on the 1st of Shawwal. This he ordered to be done. Al-Mutawakkil (ninth century), when informed that the dress was spoiled by pilgrims, at first ordered two to be given and the brocade shirt to be let down as far as the pavement: at last he sent a new veil every two months. During the Caliphat of the Abbasides this investiture came to signify sovereignty in Al-Hijaz, which passed alternately from Baghdad to Egypt and Al-Yaman. In Al-Idrisi’s time (twel[f]th century A.D.) the Kiswah was composed of black silk, and renewed every year by the Caliph of Baghdad. Ibn Jubayr writes that it was green and gold. The Kiswah remained with Egypt when Sultan Kalaun[FN#33] (thirteenth century A.D.)conveyed the rents of two villages, “Baysus” and “Sindbus,[FN#34]” to the expense of providing an outer black and an inner red curtain for the Ka’abah, with hangings for the Prophet’s tomb at Al-Madinah. When the Holy Land fell under the power of Osmanli, Sultan Salim ordered the Kiswah to be black; and his son Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent (sixteenth [p.215] century A.D.), devoted considerable sums to the purpose. The Kiswah was afterwards renewed at the accession of each Sultan. And the Wahhabis, during the first year of their conquest, covered the Ka’abah with a red Kiswah of the same stuff as the fine Arabian Aba or cloak, and made at Al-Hasa. The Kiswah is now worked at a cotton manufactory called Al-Khurunfish,of the Tumn Bab al-Sha’ariyah, Cairo. It is made by a hereditary family, called the Bayt al-Sadi, and, as the specimen in my possession proves, it is a coarse tissue of silk and cotton mixed. The Kiswah is composed of eight pieces—two for each face of the Ka’abah—the seams being concealed by the Hizam, a broad band, which at a distance looks like gold; it is lined with white calico, and is supplied with cotton ropes. Anciently it is said all the Koran was interwoven into it. Now, it is inscribed “Verily, the First of Houses founded for Mankind (to worship in) is that at Bekkah[FN#35]; blessed and a Direction to all Creatures”; together with seven chapters, namely, the Cave, Mariam, the Family of Amran, Repentance, T.H. with Y.S. and Tabarak. The character is that called Tumar, the largest style of Eastern calligraphy, legible from a considerable distance.[FN#36] The Hizam is a band about two feet broad, and surrounding the Ka’abah at two-thirds of its height. It is divided into four pieces, which are sewn together. On the first and second is inscribed the “Throne verslet,” and on the third and fourth the titles of the reigning Sultan. These inscriptions are, like the Burka, or door curtain, gold worked into red silk, by the Bayt al-Sadi. When the Kiswah is ready at Khurunfish, it is carried in [p.216] procession to the Mosque Al-Hasanayn, where it is lined, sewn, and prepared for the journey.[FN#37]
After quitting the Ka’abah, I returned home exhausted, and washed with henna and warm water, to mitigate the pain of the sun-scalds upon my arms, shoulders, and breast. The house was empty, all the Turkish pilgrims being still at Muna; and the Kabirah—the old lady—received me with peculiar attention. I was ushered into an upper room, whose teak wainscotings, covered with Cufic and other inscriptions, large carpets,and ample Diwans, still showed a sort of ragged splendour. The family had “seen better days,” the Sharif Ghalib having confiscated three of its houses; but it is still proud, and cannot merge the past into the present. In the “drawing-room,” which the Turkish colonel occupied when at Meccah, the Kabirah supplied me with a pipe, coffee, cold water, and breakfast. I won her heart by praising the graceless boy Mohammed; like all mothers, she dearly loved the scamp of the family. When he entered,and saw his maternal parent standing near me, with only the end of her veil drawn over her mouth, he began to scold her with divers insinuations. “Soon thou wilt sit amongst the men in the hall!” he exclaimed. “O, my son,” rejoined the Kabirah, “fear Allah: thy mother is in years!”—and truly she was so, being at least fifty. “A-a-h” sneered the youth, who had formed, as boys of the world must do, or appear to do, a very low estimate of the sex. The old lady understood the drift of the exclamation, and departed with a half-laughing “May Allah disappoint thee!” She soon, however, returned, bringing me water for ablution; and having heard that I had not yet sacrificed a sheep at Muna, enjoined me to return and perform without delay that important rite. [p.217]
After resuming our laical toilette, and dressing gaily for the great festival, we mounted our asses about the cool of the afternoon,and, returning to Muna, we found the tent full of visitors. Ali ibn YaSin, the Zemzemi, had sent me an amphora of holy water, and the carrier was awaiting the customary dollar. With him were several Meccans, one of whom spoke excellent Persian. We sat down, and chatted together for an hour; and I afterwards learned from the boy Mohammed, that all had pronounced me to be an ’Ajami. After their departure we debated about the victim, which is only a Sunnat, or practice of the Prophet.[FN#38] It is generally sacrificed immediately after the first lapidation, and we had already been guiltyof delay. Under these circumstances, and considering the meager condition of my purse, I would not buy a sheep, but contented myself with watching my neighbours. They gave themselves great trouble, especially a large party of Indians pitched near us, to buy the victim cheap; but the Badawin were not less acute, and he was happy who paid less than a dollar and a quarter. Some preferred contributing to buy a lean ox. None but the Sharif and the principal dignitaries slaughtered camels. The pilgrims dragged their victims to a smooth rock near the Akabah, above which stands a small open pavilion, whose sides, red with fresh blood, showed that the prince and his attendants had been busy at sacrifice. [FN#39] Others stood before their tents, and, directing the victim’s face towards the Ka’abah, cut its throat, ejaculating, “Bismillah! Allaho Akbar[FN#40]” [p.218]
The boy Mohammed sneeringly directed my attention to the Indians, who, being a mild race, had hired an Arab butcher to do the deed of blood; and he aroused all Shaykh Nur’s ire by his taunting comments upon the chicken-heartedness of the men of Hind. It is considered a meritorious act to give away the victim without eating any portion of its flesh. Parties of Takruri might be seen sitting vulture-like, contemplating the sheep and goats; and no sooner was the signal given, than they fell upon the bodies, and cut them up without removing them. The surface of the valley soon came to resemble the dirtiest slaughter-house, and my prescient soul drew bad auguries for the future. We had spent a sultry afternoon in the basin of Muna, which is not unlike a volcanic crater, an Aden closed up at the seaside. Towards night the occasional puffs of Samum ceased, and through the air of deadly stillness a mass of purple nimbus, bisected by a thin grey lineof mist-cloud, rolled down upon us from the Taif hills. When darkness gave the signal, most of the pilgrims pressed towards the square in front of the Muna Mosque, to enjoy the pyrotechnics and the discharge of cannon. But during the spectacle came on a windy storm, whose lightnings, flashing their fire from pole to pole paled the rockets;and whose thunderings, re-echoed by the rocky hills, dumbed the puny artillery of man. We were disappointed in our hopes of rain. A few huge drops pattered upon the plain and sank into its thirsty entrails; all the rest was thunder and lightning, dust-clouds and whirlwind.
[FN#1] Even pitching ground here is charged to pilgrims.
[FN#2] Some authorities advise that this rite of “Ramy” be performed onfoot.
[FN#3] The word “Jamrah” is applied to the place of stoning, as well as to the stones.
[FN#4] These numbers mark the successive spots where the Devil, in thes hape of an old Shaykh, appeared to Adam, Abraham, and Ishmael, and wasdriven back by the simple process taught by Gabriel, of throwing stones about the size of a bean.
[FN#5] I borrow this phrase from Ali Bey, who, however, speaks more like an ignorant Catalonian than a learned Abbaside, when he calls the pillar “La Maison du Diable,” and facetiously asserts that “le diable a eu la malice de placer sa maison dans un lieu fort etroit qui n’a peut-etre pas 34 pieds de large.”
[FN#6] Some hold the pebble as a schoolboy does a marble, others between the thumb and forefinger extended, others shoot them from the thumb knuckle, and most men consult their own convenience.
[FN#7] The barber removed all my hair. Hanifis shave at least a quarter of the head, Shafe’is a few hairs on the right side. The prayer is, as usual, differently worded, some saying, “O Allah this my Forelock is in Thy Hand, then grant me for every Hair a Light on Resurrection-day, by Thy Mercy O most Merciful of the Merciful!” I remarked that the hair was allowed to lie upon the ground, whereas strict Moslems, with that reverence for man’s body—the Temple of the Supreme—which characterizes their creed, carefully bury it in the earth.
[FN#8] This word is confounded with “Dafa” by many Moslem authors. Some speak of the Nafr from Arafat to Muzdalifah and the Dafa from Muzdalifah to Muna. I have used the words as my Mutawwif used them.
[FN#9] They keep the keys of the House. In my day the head of the family was “Shaykh Ahmad.”
[FN#10] In Ibn Jubayr’s time this large padlock was of gold. It is saidpopularly that none but the Benu Shaybah can open it; a minor miracle, doubtless proceeding from the art of some Eastern Hobbs or Bramah.
[FN#11] However safe a Christian might be at Meccah, nothing could preserve him from the ready knives of enraged fanatics if detected in the House. The very idea is pollution to a Moslem.[FN#12] I do not known the origin of this superstition; but it would be unsafe for a pilgrim to look fixedly at the Ka’abah ceiling. Under the arras I was told is a strong planking of Saj, or Indian teak, and above it a stuccoed Sath, or flat roof.
[FN#13] Exactly realising the description of our English bard:—“Goodly arras of great majesty, Woven with gold and silk so close and nere, That the rich metal lurked privily, As feigning to be hid from envious eye.”
[FN#14] Ibn Jubayr mentions three columns of teak. Burckhardt and Ali Bey, two. In Al-Fasi’s day there were four. The Kuraysh erected six columns in double row. Generally the pillars have been three in number.
[FN#15] This wood, which has been used of old to ornament sacred buildings in the East, is brought to Meccah in great quantities byMalay and Java pilgrims. The best kind is known by its oily appearanceand a “fizzing” sound in fire; the cunning vendors easily supply it with these desiderata.
[FN#16] Ibn Jubayr calls it Bab al-Rahmah.
[FN#17] The Hajar al-Aswad is also called Al-As’ad, or the Propitious.
[FN#18] Here, in Ibn Jubayr’s time, stood two boxes full of Korans.
[FN#19] The key is sometimes placed in the hands of a child of the house of Shaybah, who sits in state, with black slaves on both sides.
[FN#20] In Ibn Jubayr’s day the Ka’abah was opened with more ceremony. The ladder was rolled up to the door, and the chief of the Benu Shaybah, ascending it, was covered by attendants with a black veil from head to foot, whilst he opened the padlock. Then, having kissed the threshold, he entered, shut the door behind him, and prayed two Rukats; after which, all the Benu Shaybah, and, lastly, the vulgar were admitted. In these day the veil is obsolete. The Shaykh enters the Ka’abah alone, perfumes it and prays; the pilgrims are then admitted en masse; and the style in which the eunuchs handle their quarter-staves forms a scene more animated than decorous.
[FN#21] Some pray four instead of two bows.
[FN#22] Burckhardt erroneously says, “in every corner.”
[FN#23] These Indians are ever in extremes, paupers or millionaires,and, like all Moslems, the more they pay at Meccah the higher becomestheir character and religious titles. A Turkish Pasha seldom squanders as much money as does a Moslem merchant from the far East. Khudabakhsh,the Lahore shawl-dealer, owned to having spent 800l. in feastings and presents. He appeared to consider that sum a trifle, although, had a debtor carried off one tithe of it, his health would have been seriously affected.
[FN#24] The cover of the key is made, like Abraham’s veil, of three colours, red, black or green. It is of silk, embroidered with goldenletters, and upon it are written the Bismillah, the name of thereigning Sultan, “Bag of the key of the holy Ka’abah,” and a verselet from the “Family of Amran” (Koran, ch. 3). It is made, like the Kiswah, at Khurunfish, a place that will be noticed below.
[FN#25] “Ecorches”—“pelati;” the idea is common to most imaginative nations.
[FN#26] The same is the case at Al-Madinah; many religious men objecton conscientious grounds to enter the Prophet’s mosque. The poet quoted below made many visitations to Al-Madinah, but never could persuade himself to approach the tomb. The Esquire Carver saw two young Turks who had voluntarily had their eyes thrust out at Meccah as soon as they had seen the glory and visible sanctity of the tomb of Mohammed. I “doubt the fact,” which thus appears ushered in by a fiction.
[FN#27] I have not thought it necessary to go deep into the list of“Muharramat,” or actions forbidden to the pilgrim who has entered theKa’abah. They are numerous and meaningless.[FN#28] The use of the feminine pronoun is explained below. When unclothed, the Ka’abah is called Uryanah (naked), in opposition to its normal state, “Muhramah,” or clad in Ihram. In Burckhardt’s time the house remained naked for fifteen days; now the investiture is effected in a few hours.
[FN#29] The gold-embroidered curtain covering the Ka’abah door is called by the learned “Burka al-Ka’abah” (the Ka’abah’s face-veil), by the vulgar Burka Fatimah; they connect it in idea with the Prophet’s daughter.
[FN#30] The pyramids, it is said, were covered from base to summit with yellow silk or satin.[FN#31] At present the Kiswah, it need scarcely be said, does not coverthe flat roof.
[FN#32] Ayishah also, when Shaybah proposed to bury the old Kiswah, that it might not be worn by the impure, directed him to sell it, and to distribute the proceeds to the poor. The Meccans still follow the first half, but neglect the other part of the order given by the “Mother of the Moslems.” Kazi Khan advises the proceeds of the sale being devoted to the repairs of the temple. The “Siraj al-Wahhaj” positively forbids, as sinful, the cutting, transporting, selling, buying, and placing it between the leaves of the Koran. Kutb al-Din (from whom I borrow these particulars) introduces some fine and casuistic distinctions. In his day, however, the Benu Shaybah claimed the old, after the arrival of the new Kiswah; and their right to it was admitted. To the present day they continue to sell it.
[FN#33] Some authors also mention a green Kiswah, applied by this monarch. Embroidered on it were certain verselets of the Koran, the formula of the Moslem faith, and the names of the Prophet’s Companions.
[FN#34] Burckhardt says “Bysous” and “Sandabeir.”
[FN#35] From the “Family of Amran” (chap. 3). “Bekkah” is “a place of crowding”; hence applied to Meccah generally. Some writers, however, limit it to the part of the city round the Harim.
[FN#36] It is larger than the suls. Admirers of Eastern calligraphy may see a “Bismillah,” beautifully written in Tumar, on the wall of Sultan Mu’ayyad’s Mosque at Cairo.
[FN#37] Mr. Lane (Mod. Egypt. vol. iii. chap. 25) has given an ample and accurate description of the Kiswah. I have added a few details, derived from “Khalil Effendi” of Cairo, a professor of Arabic, and an excellent French scholar.
[FN#38] Those who omit the rite fast ten days; three during the pilgrimage season, and the remaining seven at some other time.
[FN#39] The camel is sacrificed by thrusting a pointed instrument into the interval between the sternum and the neck. This anomaly may beaccounted for by the thickness and hardness of the muscles of the throat.
[FN#40] It is strange that the accurate Burckhardt should make theMoslem say, when slaughtering or sacrificing, “In the name of the most Merciful God!” As Mr. Lane justly observes, the attribute of mercy is omitted on these occasions.
“Our notions of Mecca must be drawn from the Arabians; as no unbelieveris permitted to enter the city, our travellers are silent.”—Gibbon,
MEMORIAL EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II. CHAPTER XXX.
THE CEREMONIES OF THE YAUM NAHR, OR THE THIRD DAY.
At dawn on the id al-Kurban (10th Zu’l Hijjah, Wednesday, 14th September) a gun warned us to lose no time; we arose hurriedly, and started up the Batn Muhassir to Muna. By this means we lost at Muzdalifah the “Salat al-id,” or “Festival Prayers,” the great solemnity of the Moslem year, performed by all the community at daybreak. My companion was so anxious to reach Meccah, that he would not hear of devotions. About eight A.M. we entered the village, and looked for the boy Mohammed in vain. Old Ali was dreadfully perplexed; a host of high-born Turkish pilgrims were, he said, expecting him; his mule was missing—could never appear—he must be late—should probably never reach Meccah—what would become of him? I began by administering admonition to the mind diseased; but signally failing in a cure, I amused myself with contemplating the world from my Shugduf, leaving the office of directing it to the old Zemzemi. Now he stopped, then he pressed forward; here he thought he saw Mohammed, there he discovered our tent; at one time he would “nakh” the camel to await, in patience, his supreme hour; at another, half mad with nervousness, he would urge the excellent Mas’ud to hopeless inquiries. Finally, by good fortune, we found one of the boy Mohammed’s cousins, who led us to an enclosure [p.203] called Hosh al-Uzam, in the Southern portion of the Muna Basin, at the base of Mount Sabir.[FN#1] There we pitched the tent, refreshed ourselves, and awaited the truant’s return. Old Ali, failing to disturb my equanimity, attempted, as those who consort with philosophers often will do, to quarrel with me. But, finding no material wherewith to build a dispute in such fragments as “Ah!”—“Hem!”—“Wallah!” he hinted desperate intentions against the boy Mohammed. When, however, the youth appeared, with even more jauntiness of mien than usual, Ali bin Ya Sin lost heart, brushed by him, mounted his mule, and, doubtless cursing us “under the tongue,” rode away, frowning viciously, with his heels playing upon the beast’s ribs. Mohammed had been delayed, he said, by the difficulty of finding asses. We were now to mount for “the Throwing,[FN#2]” as a preliminary to which we washed “with seven waters” the seven pebbles brought from Muzdalifah, and bound them in our Ihrams.
Our first destination was the entrance to the western end of the long line which composes the Muna village. We found a swarming crowd in the narrow road opposite the “Jamrat al-Akabah,[FN#3]” or, as it is vulgarly called, the Shaytan al-Kabir—the “Great Devil.” These names distinguish it from another pillar, the “Wusta,” or “Central Place,” (of stoning,) built in the middle of Muna, and a third at the eastern end, “Al-Aula,” or the “First Place.[FN#4]” The “Shaytan al-Kabir” is a dwarf buttress of rude [p.204] masonry, about eight feet high by two and a half broad, placed against a rough wall of stones at the Meccan entrance to Muna. As the ceremony of “Ramy,” or Lapidation, must be performed on the first day by all pilgrims between sunrise and sunset, and as the fiend was malicious enough to appear in a rugged Pass,[FN#5] the crowd makes the place dangerous. On one side of the road, which is not forty feet broad, stood a row of shops belonging principally to barbers. On the other side is the rugged wall against which the pillar stands, with a chevaux de frise of Badawin and naked boys. The narrow space was crowded with pilgrims, all struggling like drowning men to approach as near as possible to the Devil; it would have been easy to run over the heads of the mass. Amongst them were horsemen with rearing chargers. Badawin on wild camels, and grandees on mules and asses, with outrunners, were breaking a way by assault and battery. I had read Ali Bey’s self-felicitations upon escaping this place with “only two wounds in the left leg,” and I had duly provided myself with a hidden dagger. The precaution was not useless. Scarcely had my donkey entered the crowd than he was overthrown by a dromedary, and I found myself under the stamping and roaring beast’s stomach. Avoiding being trampled upon by a judicious use of the knife, I lost no time in escaping from a place so ignobly dangerous. Some Moslem travellers assert, in proof of the sanctity of the spot, that no Moslem is ever killed here: Meccans assured me that accidents are by no means rare.
Presently the boy Mohammed fought his way out of the crowd with a bleeding nose. We both sat down upon a bench before a barber’s booth,and, schooled by adversity, [p.205] awaited with patience an opportunity. Finding an opening, we approached within about five cubits of the place, and holding each stone between the thumb and the forefinger[FN#6] of the right hand, we cast it at the pillar, exclaiming, “In the name of Allah, and Allah is Almighty! (I do this) in Hatred of the Fiend and to his Shame.” After which came the Tahlil and the “Sana,” or praise to Allah. The seven stones being duly thrown, we retired, and entering the barber’s booth, took our places upon one of the earthern benches around it. This was the time to remove the Ihram or pilgrim’s garb, and to return to Ihlal, the normal state of Al-Islam. The barber shaved our heads,[FN#7] and, after trimming our beards and cutting our nails, made us repeat these words: “I purpose loosening my Ihram according to the Practice of the Prophet, Whom may Allah bless and preserve! O Allah, make unto me in every Hair, a Light, a Purity, and a generous Reward! In the name of Allah, and Allah is Almighty!” At the conclusion of his labour, the barber politely addressed to us a “Na’iman—Pleasure to you!” To which we as ceremoniously replied, “Allah give thee pleasure!” We had no clothes with us, but we could use our cloths to cover our heads, and slippers to defend our feet from the fiery sun; and we now could safely twirl our mustachios and stroke our beards—placid enjoyments of which we had been deprived by the [p.206] Laws of Pilgrimage. After resting about an hour in the booth, which, though crowded with sitting customers, was delightfully cool compared with the burning glare of the road, we mounted our asses, and at eleven A.M. we started Meccah-wards.
This return from Muna to Meccah is called Al-Nafr, or the Flight[FN#8]:we did not fail to keep our asses at speed, with a few halts to refreshourselves with gugglets of water. There was nothing remarkable in thescene: our ride in was a repetition of our ride out. In about half anhour we entered the city, passing through that classical locality called “Batn Kuraysh,” which was crowded with people, and then we repaired to the boy Mohammed’s house for the purpose of bathing and preparing to visit the Ka’abah.
Shortly after our arrival, the youth returned home in a state of excitement, exclaiming, “Rise, Effendi! dress and follow me!” The Ka’abah, though open, would for a time be empty, so that we should escape the crowd. My pilgrim’s garb, which had not been removed, was made to look neat and somewhat Indian, and we sallied forth together without loss of time. A crowd had gathered round the Ka’abah, and I had no wish to standbareheaded and barefooted in the midday September sun. At the cry of“Open a path for the Haji who would enter the House,” the gazers made way. Two stout Meccans, who stood below the door, raised me in their arms, whilst a third drew me from above into the building. At the entrance I was accosted by several officials, dark-looking Meccans, of whom the blackest and plainest was a youth of the Benu Shaybah family,[FN#9][p.207] the sangre-azul of Al-Hijaz. He held in his hand the huge silver-gilt padlock of the Ka’abah,[FN#10] and presently taking his seat upon a kind of wooden press in the left corner of the hall, he officially inquired my name, nation, and other particulars. The replies were satisfactory, and the boy Mohammed was authoritatively ordered to conduct me round the building, and to recite the prayers. I will not deny that, looking at the windowless walls, the officials at the door, and the crowd of excited fanatics below—“And the place death, considering who I was,”[FN#11] my feelings were of the trapped-rat description, acknowledged by the immortal nephew of his uncle Perez. This did not, however, prevent my carefully observing the scene during our long prayers, and making a rough plan with a pencil upon my white Ihram.
Nothing is more simple than the interior of this celebrated building. The pavement, which is level with the ground, is composed of slabs offine and various coloured marbles, mostly, however, white, disposedchequerwise. The walls, as far as they can be seen, are of the samematerial, but the pieces are irregularly shaped, and many of them areengraved with long inscriptions in the Suls and other modern characters. The upper part of the walls, together with the ceiling, atwhich it is considered disrespectful to look,[FN#12] are covered withhandsome [p.208] red damask, flowered over with gold,[FN#13] and tucked up about six feet high, so as to be removed from pilgrims’ hands. The flat roof is upheld by three cross-beams, whose shapes appear under the arras; they rest upon the eastern and western walls, and are supported in the centre by three columns[FN#14] about twenty inches in diameter, covered with carved and ornamented aloes wood.[FN#15] At the Iraki corner there is a dwarf door, called Bab al-Taubah (of repentance).[FN#16] It leads into a narrow passage and to the staircase by which the servants ascend to the roof: it is never opened except for working purposes. The “Aswad” or [p.209] “As’ad[FN#17]” corner is occupied by a flat-topped and quadrant-shaped press or safe,[FN#18] in which at times is placed the key of the Ka’abah.[FN#19] Both door and safe are of aloes wood. Between the columns, and about nine feet from the ground, ran bars of a metal which I could not distinguish, and hanging to them were many lamps, said to be of gold. Although there were in the Ka’abah but a few attendants engaged in preparing it for the entrance of pilgrims,[FN#20] the windowless stonewalls and the choked-up door made it worse than the Piombi of Venice; perspiration trickled in large drops, and I thought with horror what it must be when filled with a mass of furiously jostling and crushingfanatics. Our devotions consisted of a two-bow prayer,[FN#21] followed by long supplications at the Shami (West) corner, the Iraki (north) angle, the Yamani (south), and, lastly, opposite the southern third ofthe back wall.[FN#22]
These concluded, I returned to the door, where payment is made. The boy Mohammed told me that the total expense wouldbe seven dollars. At the same time he had been indulging aloud in his favourite rhodomontade, boasting of my greatness, and had declared me to be an Indian pilgrim, a race still supposed at [p.210] Meccah to be made of gold.[FN#23] When seven dollars were tendered, they were rejected with instance. Expecting something of the kind, I had been careful to bring no more than eight. Being pulled and interpellated by half a dozen attendants, my course was to look stupid, and to pretend ignorance of the language. Presently the Shaybah youth bethought him of a contrivance. Drawing forth from the press the key of the Ka’abah, he partly bared it of its green-silk gold-lettered etui,[FN#24] and rubbed a golden knob quartrefoil-shaped upon my eyes, in order to brighten them. I submitted to the operation with a good grace, and added a dollar—my last—to the former offering. The Sharif received it with a hopeless glance, and, to my satisfaction, would not put forth his hand to be kissed. Then the attendants began to demand vails I replied by opening my empty pouch. When let down from the door by the two brawny Meccans, I was expected to pay them, and accordingly appointed to meet them at the boy Mohammed’s house; an arrangement to which they grumblingly assented. When delivered from these troubles, I was congratulated by my sharp companion thus: “Wallah, Effendi! thou hast escaped well! some men have left their skins behind.[FN#25]” [p.211]
All pilgrims do not enter the Ka’abah[FN#26]; and many refuse to do so for religious reasons. Omar Effendi, for instance, who never missed a pilgrimage, had never seen the interior.[FN#27] Those who tread the hallowed floor are bound, among many other things, never again to walk barefooted, to take up fire with the fingers, or to tell lies. Most really conscientious men cannot afford the luxuries of slippers, tongs, and truth. So thought Thomas, when offered the apple which would give him the tongue which cannot lie:— “‘My tongue is mine ain,’ true Thomas said.‘A gudely gift ye wad gie to me!I neither dought to buy nor sell At fair or tryst, where I may be, I dought neither speak to prince or peer, Nor ask of grace from fair ladye!’”
Amongst the Hindus I have met with men who have proceeded upon a pilgrimage to Dwarka, and yet who would not receive the brand of the god, because lying would then be forbidden to them. A confidential servant of a friend in Bombay naïvely declared that he had not been marked, as the act would have ruined him. There is a sad truth in what he said: Lying to the Oriental is meat and drink, and the roof that shelters him.
The Ka’abah had been dressed in her new attire when we entered.[FN#28] The covering, however, instead of being [p.212] secured at the bottom to the metal rings in the basement, was tucked up by ropes from the roof, and depended over each face in two long tongues. It was of a brilliant black, and the Hizam—the zone or golden band running round the upper portion of the building—as well as the Burka (face-veil), were of dazzling brightness.[FN#29] The origin of this custom must be sought in the ancient practice of typifying the church visible by a virgin or bride.
The poet Abd al-Rahim al Bura’i, in one of his Gnostic effusions, has embodied the idea:—([Arabic])“And Meccah’s bride (i.e. the Ka’abah) is displayed with (miraculous) signs.” This idea doubtless led to the face-veil, the covering, and the guardianship of eunuchs.
The Meccan temple was first dressed as a mark of[p.213] honour by Tobba the Himyarite when he Judaized.[FN#30] If we accept this fact, which is vouched for by Oriental history, we are led to the conclusion that the children of Israel settled at Meccah had connected the temple with their own faith, and, as a corollary, that the prophet of Al-Islam introduced their apocryphal traditions into his creed.
The pagan Arabs did not remove the coverings: the old and torn Kiswah was covered with a new cloth, and the weight threatened to crush the building.[FN#31] From the time of Kusay, the Ka’abah was veiled by subscription, till Abu Rabi’at al-Mughayrah bin Abdullah, who, having acquired great wealth by commerce, offered to provide the Kiswah on alternate years, and thereby gained the name of Al-adil. The Prophet preferred a covering of fine Yaman cloth, and directed the expense to be defrayed by the Bayt al-Mal, or public treasury. Omar chose Egyptian linen, ordering the Kiswah to be renewed every year, and the old covering to be distributed among the pilgrims. In the reign of Osman, the Ka’abah was twice clothed, in winter and summer. For the former season, it received a Kamis, or Tobe (shirt) of brocade; with an Izar, or veil: for the latter a suit of fine linen. Mu’awiyah at first supplied linen and brocade; he afterwards exchanged the former for striped Yaman stuff, and ordered Shaybah bin Osman to strip the Ka’abah and to perfume the walls with Khaluk. Shaybah divided the old Kiswah among the pilgrims, and Abdullah bin Abbas did not object to this distribution.[FN#32] The Caliph Ma’amun (9th century) ordered [p.214] the dress to be changed three times a year. In his day it was red brocade on the 10th Muharram; fine linen on the 1st Rajab; and white brocade on the 1st Shawwal. At last he was informed that the veil applied on the 10th of Muharram was too closely followed by the red brocade in the next month, and that it required renewing on the 1st of Shawwal. This he ordered to be done. Al-Mutawakkil (ninth century), when informed that the dress was spoiled by pilgrims, at first ordered two to be given and the brocade shirt to be let down as far as the pavement: at last he sent a new veil every two months. During the Caliphat of the Abbasides this investiture came to signify sovereignty in Al-Hijaz, which passed alternately from Baghdad to Egypt and Al-Yaman. In Al-Idrisi’s time (twel[f]th century A.D.) the Kiswah was composed of black silk, and renewed every year by the Caliph of Baghdad. Ibn Jubayr writes that it was green and gold. The Kiswah remained with Egypt when Sultan Kalaun[FN#33] (thirteenth century A.D.)conveyed the rents of two villages, “Baysus” and “Sindbus,[FN#34]” to the expense of providing an outer black and an inner red curtain for the Ka’abah, with hangings for the Prophet’s tomb at Al-Madinah. When the Holy Land fell under the power of Osmanli, Sultan Salim ordered the Kiswah to be black; and his son Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent (sixteenth [p.215] century A.D.), devoted considerable sums to the purpose. The Kiswah was afterwards renewed at the accession of each Sultan. And the Wahhabis, during the first year of their conquest, covered the Ka’abah with a red Kiswah of the same stuff as the fine Arabian Aba or cloak, and made at Al-Hasa. The Kiswah is now worked at a cotton manufactory called Al-Khurunfish,of the Tumn Bab al-Sha’ariyah, Cairo. It is made by a hereditary family, called the Bayt al-Sadi, and, as the specimen in my possession proves, it is a coarse tissue of silk and cotton mixed. The Kiswah is composed of eight pieces—two for each face of the Ka’abah—the seams being concealed by the Hizam, a broad band, which at a distance looks like gold; it is lined with white calico, and is supplied with cotton ropes. Anciently it is said all the Koran was interwoven into it. Now, it is inscribed “Verily, the First of Houses founded for Mankind (to worship in) is that at Bekkah[FN#35]; blessed and a Direction to all Creatures”; together with seven chapters, namely, the Cave, Mariam, the Family of Amran, Repentance, T.H. with Y.S. and Tabarak. The character is that called Tumar, the largest style of Eastern calligraphy, legible from a considerable distance.[FN#36] The Hizam is a band about two feet broad, and surrounding the Ka’abah at two-thirds of its height. It is divided into four pieces, which are sewn together. On the first and second is inscribed the “Throne verslet,” and on the third and fourth the titles of the reigning Sultan. These inscriptions are, like the Burka, or door curtain, gold worked into red silk, by the Bayt al-Sadi. When the Kiswah is ready at Khurunfish, it is carried in [p.216] procession to the Mosque Al-Hasanayn, where it is lined, sewn, and prepared for the journey.[FN#37]
After quitting the Ka’abah, I returned home exhausted, and washed with henna and warm water, to mitigate the pain of the sun-scalds upon my arms, shoulders, and breast. The house was empty, all the Turkish pilgrims being still at Muna; and the Kabirah—the old lady—received me with peculiar attention. I was ushered into an upper room, whose teak wainscotings, covered with Cufic and other inscriptions, large carpets,and ample Diwans, still showed a sort of ragged splendour. The family had “seen better days,” the Sharif Ghalib having confiscated three of its houses; but it is still proud, and cannot merge the past into the present. In the “drawing-room,” which the Turkish colonel occupied when at Meccah, the Kabirah supplied me with a pipe, coffee, cold water, and breakfast. I won her heart by praising the graceless boy Mohammed; like all mothers, she dearly loved the scamp of the family. When he entered,and saw his maternal parent standing near me, with only the end of her veil drawn over her mouth, he began to scold her with divers insinuations. “Soon thou wilt sit amongst the men in the hall!” he exclaimed. “O, my son,” rejoined the Kabirah, “fear Allah: thy mother is in years!”—and truly she was so, being at least fifty. “A-a-h” sneered the youth, who had formed, as boys of the world must do, or appear to do, a very low estimate of the sex. The old lady understood the drift of the exclamation, and departed with a half-laughing “May Allah disappoint thee!” She soon, however, returned, bringing me water for ablution; and having heard that I had not yet sacrificed a sheep at Muna, enjoined me to return and perform without delay that important rite. [p.217]
After resuming our laical toilette, and dressing gaily for the great festival, we mounted our asses about the cool of the afternoon,and, returning to Muna, we found the tent full of visitors. Ali ibn YaSin, the Zemzemi, had sent me an amphora of holy water, and the carrier was awaiting the customary dollar. With him were several Meccans, one of whom spoke excellent Persian. We sat down, and chatted together for an hour; and I afterwards learned from the boy Mohammed, that all had pronounced me to be an ’Ajami. After their departure we debated about the victim, which is only a Sunnat, or practice of the Prophet.[FN#38] It is generally sacrificed immediately after the first lapidation, and we had already been guiltyof delay. Under these circumstances, and considering the meager condition of my purse, I would not buy a sheep, but contented myself with watching my neighbours. They gave themselves great trouble, especially a large party of Indians pitched near us, to buy the victim cheap; but the Badawin were not less acute, and he was happy who paid less than a dollar and a quarter. Some preferred contributing to buy a lean ox. None but the Sharif and the principal dignitaries slaughtered camels. The pilgrims dragged their victims to a smooth rock near the Akabah, above which stands a small open pavilion, whose sides, red with fresh blood, showed that the prince and his attendants had been busy at sacrifice. [FN#39] Others stood before their tents, and, directing the victim’s face towards the Ka’abah, cut its throat, ejaculating, “Bismillah! Allaho Akbar[FN#40]” [p.218]
The boy Mohammed sneeringly directed my attention to the Indians, who, being a mild race, had hired an Arab butcher to do the deed of blood; and he aroused all Shaykh Nur’s ire by his taunting comments upon the chicken-heartedness of the men of Hind. It is considered a meritorious act to give away the victim without eating any portion of its flesh. Parties of Takruri might be seen sitting vulture-like, contemplating the sheep and goats; and no sooner was the signal given, than they fell upon the bodies, and cut them up without removing them. The surface of the valley soon came to resemble the dirtiest slaughter-house, and my prescient soul drew bad auguries for the future. We had spent a sultry afternoon in the basin of Muna, which is not unlike a volcanic crater, an Aden closed up at the seaside. Towards night the occasional puffs of Samum ceased, and through the air of deadly stillness a mass of purple nimbus, bisected by a thin grey lineof mist-cloud, rolled down upon us from the Taif hills. When darkness gave the signal, most of the pilgrims pressed towards the square in front of the Muna Mosque, to enjoy the pyrotechnics and the discharge of cannon. But during the spectacle came on a windy storm, whose lightnings, flashing their fire from pole to pole paled the rockets;and whose thunderings, re-echoed by the rocky hills, dumbed the puny artillery of man. We were disappointed in our hopes of rain. A few huge drops pattered upon the plain and sank into its thirsty entrails; all the rest was thunder and lightning, dust-clouds and whirlwind.
[FN#1] Even pitching ground here is charged to pilgrims.
[FN#2] Some authorities advise that this rite of “Ramy” be performed onfoot.
[FN#3] The word “Jamrah” is applied to the place of stoning, as well as to the stones.
[FN#4] These numbers mark the successive spots where the Devil, in thes hape of an old Shaykh, appeared to Adam, Abraham, and Ishmael, and wasdriven back by the simple process taught by Gabriel, of throwing stones about the size of a bean.
[FN#5] I borrow this phrase from Ali Bey, who, however, speaks more like an ignorant Catalonian than a learned Abbaside, when he calls the pillar “La Maison du Diable,” and facetiously asserts that “le diable a eu la malice de placer sa maison dans un lieu fort etroit qui n’a peut-etre pas 34 pieds de large.”
[FN#6] Some hold the pebble as a schoolboy does a marble, others between the thumb and forefinger extended, others shoot them from the thumb knuckle, and most men consult their own convenience.
[FN#7] The barber removed all my hair. Hanifis shave at least a quarter of the head, Shafe’is a few hairs on the right side. The prayer is, as usual, differently worded, some saying, “O Allah this my Forelock is in Thy Hand, then grant me for every Hair a Light on Resurrection-day, by Thy Mercy O most Merciful of the Merciful!” I remarked that the hair was allowed to lie upon the ground, whereas strict Moslems, with that reverence for man’s body—the Temple of the Supreme—which characterizes their creed, carefully bury it in the earth.
[FN#8] This word is confounded with “Dafa” by many Moslem authors. Some speak of the Nafr from Arafat to Muzdalifah and the Dafa from Muzdalifah to Muna. I have used the words as my Mutawwif used them.
[FN#9] They keep the keys of the House. In my day the head of the family was “Shaykh Ahmad.”
[FN#10] In Ibn Jubayr’s time this large padlock was of gold. It is saidpopularly that none but the Benu Shaybah can open it; a minor miracle, doubtless proceeding from the art of some Eastern Hobbs or Bramah.
[FN#11] However safe a Christian might be at Meccah, nothing could preserve him from the ready knives of enraged fanatics if detected in the House. The very idea is pollution to a Moslem.[FN#12] I do not known the origin of this superstition; but it would be unsafe for a pilgrim to look fixedly at the Ka’abah ceiling. Under the arras I was told is a strong planking of Saj, or Indian teak, and above it a stuccoed Sath, or flat roof.
[FN#13] Exactly realising the description of our English bard:—“Goodly arras of great majesty, Woven with gold and silk so close and nere, That the rich metal lurked privily, As feigning to be hid from envious eye.”
[FN#14] Ibn Jubayr mentions three columns of teak. Burckhardt and Ali Bey, two. In Al-Fasi’s day there were four. The Kuraysh erected six columns in double row. Generally the pillars have been three in number.
[FN#15] This wood, which has been used of old to ornament sacred buildings in the East, is brought to Meccah in great quantities byMalay and Java pilgrims. The best kind is known by its oily appearanceand a “fizzing” sound in fire; the cunning vendors easily supply it with these desiderata.
[FN#16] Ibn Jubayr calls it Bab al-Rahmah.
[FN#17] The Hajar al-Aswad is also called Al-As’ad, or the Propitious.
[FN#18] Here, in Ibn Jubayr’s time, stood two boxes full of Korans.
[FN#19] The key is sometimes placed in the hands of a child of the house of Shaybah, who sits in state, with black slaves on both sides.
[FN#20] In Ibn Jubayr’s day the Ka’abah was opened with more ceremony. The ladder was rolled up to the door, and the chief of the Benu Shaybah, ascending it, was covered by attendants with a black veil from head to foot, whilst he opened the padlock. Then, having kissed the threshold, he entered, shut the door behind him, and prayed two Rukats; after which, all the Benu Shaybah, and, lastly, the vulgar were admitted. In these day the veil is obsolete. The Shaykh enters the Ka’abah alone, perfumes it and prays; the pilgrims are then admitted en masse; and the style in which the eunuchs handle their quarter-staves forms a scene more animated than decorous.
[FN#21] Some pray four instead of two bows.
[FN#22] Burckhardt erroneously says, “in every corner.”
[FN#23] These Indians are ever in extremes, paupers or millionaires,and, like all Moslems, the more they pay at Meccah the higher becomestheir character and religious titles. A Turkish Pasha seldom squanders as much money as does a Moslem merchant from the far East. Khudabakhsh,the Lahore shawl-dealer, owned to having spent 800l. in feastings and presents. He appeared to consider that sum a trifle, although, had a debtor carried off one tithe of it, his health would have been seriously affected.
[FN#24] The cover of the key is made, like Abraham’s veil, of three colours, red, black or green. It is of silk, embroidered with goldenletters, and upon it are written the Bismillah, the name of thereigning Sultan, “Bag of the key of the holy Ka’abah,” and a verselet from the “Family of Amran” (Koran, ch. 3). It is made, like the Kiswah, at Khurunfish, a place that will be noticed below.
[FN#25] “Ecorches”—“pelati;” the idea is common to most imaginative nations.
[FN#26] The same is the case at Al-Madinah; many religious men objecton conscientious grounds to enter the Prophet’s mosque. The poet quoted below made many visitations to Al-Madinah, but never could persuade himself to approach the tomb. The Esquire Carver saw two young Turks who had voluntarily had their eyes thrust out at Meccah as soon as they had seen the glory and visible sanctity of the tomb of Mohammed. I “doubt the fact,” which thus appears ushered in by a fiction.
[FN#27] I have not thought it necessary to go deep into the list of“Muharramat,” or actions forbidden to the pilgrim who has entered theKa’abah. They are numerous and meaningless.[FN#28] The use of the feminine pronoun is explained below. When unclothed, the Ka’abah is called Uryanah (naked), in opposition to its normal state, “Muhramah,” or clad in Ihram. In Burckhardt’s time the house remained naked for fifteen days; now the investiture is effected in a few hours.
[FN#29] The gold-embroidered curtain covering the Ka’abah door is called by the learned “Burka al-Ka’abah” (the Ka’abah’s face-veil), by the vulgar Burka Fatimah; they connect it in idea with the Prophet’s daughter.
[FN#30] The pyramids, it is said, were covered from base to summit with yellow silk or satin.[FN#31] At present the Kiswah, it need scarcely be said, does not coverthe flat roof.
[FN#32] Ayishah also, when Shaybah proposed to bury the old Kiswah, that it might not be worn by the impure, directed him to sell it, and to distribute the proceeds to the poor. The Meccans still follow the first half, but neglect the other part of the order given by the “Mother of the Moslems.” Kazi Khan advises the proceeds of the sale being devoted to the repairs of the temple. The “Siraj al-Wahhaj” positively forbids, as sinful, the cutting, transporting, selling, buying, and placing it between the leaves of the Koran. Kutb al-Din (from whom I borrow these particulars) introduces some fine and casuistic distinctions. In his day, however, the Benu Shaybah claimed the old, after the arrival of the new Kiswah; and their right to it was admitted. To the present day they continue to sell it.
[FN#33] Some authors also mention a green Kiswah, applied by this monarch. Embroidered on it were certain verselets of the Koran, the formula of the Moslem faith, and the names of the Prophet’s Companions.
[FN#34] Burckhardt says “Bysous” and “Sandabeir.”
[FN#35] From the “Family of Amran” (chap. 3). “Bekkah” is “a place of crowding”; hence applied to Meccah generally. Some writers, however, limit it to the part of the city round the Harim.
[FN#36] It is larger than the suls. Admirers of Eastern calligraphy may see a “Bismillah,” beautifully written in Tumar, on the wall of Sultan Mu’ayyad’s Mosque at Cairo.
[FN#37] Mr. Lane (Mod. Egypt. vol. iii. chap. 25) has given an ample and accurate description of the Kiswah. I have added a few details, derived from “Khalil Effendi” of Cairo, a professor of Arabic, and an excellent French scholar.
[FN#38] Those who omit the rite fast ten days; three during the pilgrimage season, and the remaining seven at some other time.
[FN#39] The camel is sacrificed by thrusting a pointed instrument into the interval between the sternum and the neck. This anomaly may beaccounted for by the thickness and hardness of the muscles of the throat.
[FN#40] It is strange that the accurate Burckhardt should make theMoslem say, when slaughtering or sacrificing, “In the name of the most Merciful God!” As Mr. Lane justly observes, the attribute of mercy is omitted on these occasions.
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