CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS’ REPORT TO THE KING AND QUEEN OF SPAIN IN 1492 WITH THEIR ANNOTATED COMMENTS

An extract from: CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD OF HIS DISCOVERY A NARRATIVE BY FILSON YOUNG WITH A NOTE ON THE NAVIGATION OF COLUMBUS'S FIRST VOYAGE BY THE EARL OF DUNRAVEN, K.P. THIRD EDITION NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY  1912

We may now read the account of the New World as Columbus sent it home to the King and Queen of Spain in the end of January 1494, and as they read it some weeks later. Their comments, written in the margin of the original, are printed in italics at the end of each paragraph. It was drawn up in the form of a memorandum, and entrusted to Antonio de Torres, who was commanding the return expedition.

"What you, Antonio de Torres, captain of the ship Marigalante and Alcalde of the City of Isabella, are to say and supplicate on my part to the King and Queen, our Lords, is as follows:—

"First. Having delivered the letters of credence which you carry from me for their Highnesses, you will kiss for me their Royal feet and hands and will recommend me to their Highnesses, as to a King and Queen, my natural Lords, in whose service I desire to end my days: as you will be able to say this more fully to their Highnesses, according to what you have seen and known of me.

["Their Highnesses hold him in their favour.']

"Item. Although by the letters I write to their Highnesses, and also the father Friar Buil and the Treasurer, they will be able to understand all that has been done here since our arrival, and this very minutely and extensively: nevertheless, you will say to their Highnesses on my part, that it has pleased God to give me such favour in their service, that up to the present time I do not find less, nor has less been found in anything than what I wrote and said and affirmed to their Highnesses in the past: but rather, by the Grace of God, I hope that it will appear by works much more clearly and very soon, because such signs and indications of spices have been found on the shores of the sea alone, without having gone inland, that there is reason that very much better results may be hoped for: and this also may be hoped for in the mines of gold, because by two persons only who went to investigate, each one on his own part, without remaining there because there was not many people, so many rivers have been discovered so filled with gold, that all who saw it and gathered specimens of it with the hands alone, came away so pleased and say such things in regard to its abundance, that I am timid about telling it and writing it to their Highnesses: but because Gorbalan, who was one of the discoverers, is going yonder, he will tell what he saw, although another named Hojeda remains here, a servant of the Duke of Medinaceli, a very discreet youth and very prudent, who without doubt and without comparison even, discovered much more according to the memorandum which he brought of the rivers, saying that there is an incredible quantity in each one of them: for this their Highnesses may give thanks to God, since He has been so favourable to them in all their affairs.

["Their Highnesses give many thanks to God jar this, and consider as a very signal service all that the Admiral has done in this matter and is doing: because they know that after God they are indebted to him for all they have had, and will have in this affair: and as they are writing him more fully about this, they refer him to their letter.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses, although I already have written it to them, that I desired greatly to be able to send them a larger quantity of gold in this fleet, from that which it is hoped may be gathered here, but the greater part of our people who are here, have fallen suddenly ill: besides, this fleet cannot remain here longer, both on account of the great expense it occasions and because this time is suitable for those persons who are to bring the things which are greatly needed here, to go and be able to return: as, if they delay going away from here, those who are to return will not be able to do so by May: and besides this, if I wished to undertake to go to the mines or rivers now, with the well people who are here, both on the sea and in the settlement on land, I would have many difficulties and even dangers, because in order to go twenty-three or twenty-four leagues from here where there are harbours and rivers to cross, and in order to cover such a long route and reach there at the time which would be necessary to gather the gold, a large quantity of provisions would have to be carried, which cannot be carried on the shoulders, nor are there beasts of burden here which could be used for this purpose: nor are the roads and passes sufficiently prepared, although I have commenced to get them in readiness so as to be passable: and also it was very inconvenient to leave the sick here in an open place, in huts, with the provisions and supplies which are on land: for although these Indians may have shown themselves to the discoverers, and show themselves every day, to be very simple and not malicious: nevertheless, as they come here among us each day, it did not appear that it would be a good idea to risk losing these people and the supplies. This loss an Indian with a piece of burning wood would be able to cause by setting fire to the huts, because they are always going and coming by night and by day: on their account, we have guards in the camp, while the settlement is open and defenceless.

["That he did well]

"Moreover, as we have seen among those who went by land to make discoveries that the greater part fell sick after returning, and some of them even were obliged to turn back on the road, it was also reasonable to fear that the same thing would happen to those who are well, who would now go, and as a consequence they would run the risk of two dangers: the one, that of falling sick yonder, in the same work, where there is no house nor any defence against that cacique who is called Caonabo, who is a very bad man according to all accounts, and much more audacious and who, seeing us there, sick and in such disorder, would be able to undertake what he would not dare if we were well: and with this difficulty there is another — that of bringing here what gold we might obtain, because we must either bring a small quantity and go and come each day and undergo the risk of sickness, or it must be sent with some part of the people, incurring the same danger of losing it.

["He did well]

"So that, you will say to their Highnesses, that these are the causes why the fleet has not been at present detained, and why more gold than the specimens has not been sent them: but confiding in the mercy of God, who in everything and for everything has guided us as far as here, these people will quickly become convalescent, as they are already doing, because only certain places in the country suit them and they then recover; and it is certain that if they had some fresh meat in order to convalesce, all with the aid of God would very quickly be on foot, and even the greater part would already be convalescent at this time: nevertheless they will be re-established. With the few healthy ones who remain here, each day work is done toward enclosing the settlement and placing it in a state of some defence and the supplies in safety, which will be accomplished in a short time, because it is to be only a small dry wall. For the Indians are not a people to undertake anything unless they should find us sleeping, even though they might have thought of it in the manner in which they served the others who remained here. Only on account of their (the Spaniards') lack of caution — they being so few — and the great opportunities they gave the Indians to have and do what they did, they would never have dared to undertake to injure them if they had seen that they were cautious. And this work being finished, I will then undertake to go to the said rivers, either starting upon the road from here and seeking the best possible expedients, or going around the island by sea as far as that place from which it is said it cannot be more than six or seven leagues to the said rivers. In such a manner that the gold can be gathered and placed in security in some fortress or tower which can then be constructed there, in order to keep it securely until the time when the two caravels return here, and in order that then, with the first suitable weather for sailing this course, it may be sent to a place of safety.

["That this is well and must he done in this manner.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses, as has been said, that the cause of the general sicknesses common to all is the change of water and air, because we see that it extends to all conditions and few are in danger: consequently, for the preservation of health, after God, it is necessary that these people be provided with the provisions to which they are accustomed in Spain, because neither they, nor others who may come anew, will be able to serve their Highnesses if they are not well: and this provision must continue until a supply is accumulated here from what shall be sowed and planted here. I say wheat and barley, and vines, of which little has been done this year: because a site for the town could not be selected before, and then when it was selected the few labourers who were here became sick, and they, even though they had been well, had so few and such lean and meagre beasts of burden, that they were able to do but little: nevertheless, they have sown something, more in order to try the soil which appears very wonderful, so that from it some relief may be hoped in our necessities. We are very sure, as the result makes it apparent to us, that in this country wheat as well as the vine will grow very well: but the fruit must be waited for, which, if it corresponds to the quickness with which the wheat grows and of some few vine-shoots which were planted, certainly will not cause regret here for the productions of Andalusia or Sicily: neither is it different with the sugar-canes according to the manner in which some few that were planted have grown. For it is certain that the sight of the land of these islands, as well of the mountains and sierras and waters as of the plains where there are rich rivers, is so beautiful, that no other land on which the sun shines can appear better or as beautiful.

["Since the land is such, it must be managed that the greatest possible quantity of all things shall be sown, and Don Juan de

Fonseca is to be written to send continually all that is necessary for this purpose.']

"Item. You will say that, inasmuch as much of the wine which the fleet brought was wasted on this journey, and this, according to what the greater number say, was because of the bad workmanship which the coopers did in Seville, the greatest necessity we feel here at the present time is for wines, and it is what we desire most to have: and although we may have biscuit as well as wheat sufficient for a longer time, nevertheless it is necessary that a reasonable quantity should also be sent, because the journey is long and provision cannot be made each day; and in the same manner some salted meat, I say bacon, and other salt meat better than that we brought on this journey. It is necessary that each time a caravel comes here, fresh meat shall be sent, and even more than that, lambs and little ewe Iambs, more females than males, and some little yearling calves, male and female, and some he-asses and she-asses and some mares for labour and breeding, as there are none of these animals here of any value or which can be made use of by man. And because I apprehend that their Highnesses may not be in Seville, and that the officials or ministers will not provide these things without their express order, and as it is necessary they should come at the first opportunity, and as in consultation and reply the time for the departure of the vessels — which must be here during all of May — will be past: you will say to their Highnesses that I charged and commanded you to pledge the gold you are carrying yonder and place it in possession of some merchant in Seville, who will furnish therefor the necessary maravedis to load two caravels with wine and wheat and the other things of which you are taking a memorandum; which merchant will carry or send the said gold to their Highnesses that they may see it and receive it, and cause what shall have been expended for fitting out and loading of the said two caravels to be paid: and in order to comfort and strengthen these people remaining here, the utmost efforts must be made for the return of these caravels for all the month of May, that the people before commencing the summer may see and have some refreshment from these things, especially the invalids: the things of which we are already in great need here are such as raisins, sugar, almonds, honey and rice, which should have been sent in large quantities and very little was sent, and that which came is already used and consumed, and even the greater part of the medicines which were brought from there, on account of the multitude of sick people. You are carrying memoranda signed by my hand, as has been said, of things for the people in good health as well as for the sick. You will provide these things fully if the money is sufficient, or at least the things which it is most necessary to send at once, in order that the said two vessels can bring them, and you can arrange with their Highnesses to have the remaining things sent by other vessels as quickly as possible.

["Their Highnesses sent an order to Don Juan de Fonseca to obtain at once information about the persons who committed the fraud of the casks, and to cause all the damage to the wine to be recovered from them, with the costs: and he must see that the canes which are sent are of good quality, and that the other things mentioned here are provided at once.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that as there is no language here by means of which these people can be made to understand our Holy Faith, as their Highnesses and also we who are here desire, although we will do all we can towards it — I am sending some of the cannibals in the vessels, men and women and male and female children, whom their Highnesses can order placed with persons from whom they can better learn the language, making use of them in service, and ordering that little by little more pains be taken with them than with other slaves, that they may learn one from the other: if they do not see or speak with each other until some time has passed, they will learn more quickly there than here, and will be better interpreters — although we will not cease to do as much as possible here. It is true that as there is little intercourse between these people from one island to another, there is some difference in their language, according to how far distant they are from each other. And as, of the other islands, those of the cannibals are very large and very well populated, it would appear best to take some of their men and women and send them yonder to Castile, because by taking them away, it may cause them to abandon at once that inhuman custom which they have of eating men; and by learning the language there in Castile, they will receive baptism much more quickly, and provide for the safety of their souls. Even among the peoples who are not cannibals we shall gain great credit, by their seeing that we can seize and take captive those from whom they are accustomed to receive injuries, and of whom they are in such terror that they are frightened by one man alone. You will certify to their Highnesses that the arrival here and sight of such a fine fleet all together has inspired very great authority here and assured very great security for future things: because all the people on this great island and in the other islands, seeing the good treatment which those who well behave receive, and the bad treatment given to those who behave ill, will very quickly render obedience, so that they can be considered as vassals of their Highnesses. And as now they not only do willingly whatever is required of them by our people, but further, they voluntarily undertake everything which they understand may please us, their Highnesses may also be certain that in many respects, as much for the present as for the future, the coming of this fleet has given them a great reputation, and not less yonder among the Christian princes; which their Highnesses will be better able to consider and understand than I can tell them.

["That he is to he told what has befallen the cannibals who came here. That it is very well and must be done in this manner, but that he must try as much as possible to bring them to our Holy Catholic faith and do the same with the inhabitants of the island where he is.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that the safety of the souls of the said cannibals, and further of those here, has inspired the thought that the more there are taken yonder, the better it will be, and their Highnesses can be served by it in this manner: having seen how necessary the flocks and beasts of burden are here, for the sustenance of the people who must be here, and even of all these islands, their Highnesses can give licence and permission to a sufficient number of caravels to come here each year, and bring the said flocks and other supplies and things to settle the country and make use of the land: and this at reasonable prices at the expense of those who bring them: and these things can be paid for in slaves from among these cannibals, a very proud and comely people, well proportioned and of good intelligence, who having been freed from that inhumanity, we believe will be better than any other slaves. They will be freed from this cruelty as soon as they are outside their country, and many of them can be taken with the row-boats which it is known how to build here: it being understood, however, that a trustworthy person shall be placed on each one of the caravels coming here, who shall forbid the said caravels to stop at any other place or island than this place, where the loading and unloading of all the merchandise must be done. And further, their Highnesses will be able to establish their rights over these slaves which are taken from here yonder to Spain. And you will bring or send a reply to this, in order that the necessary preparations may be made here with more confidence if it appears well to their Highnesses.

["This project must be held in abeyance for the present until another method is suggested from there, and the Admiral may write what he thinks in regard to it.]

"Item. Also you will say to their Highnesses that it is more profitable and costs less to hire the vessels as the merchants hire them from Flanders, by tons, rather than in any other manner: therefore I charged you to hire the two caravels which you are to send here, in this manner: and all the others which their Highnesses send here can be hired thus, if they consider it for their service: but I do not intend to say this of those vessels which are to come here with their licence, for the slave trade.

["Their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to hire the caravels in this manner if it can be done.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses, that to avoid any further cost, I bought these caravels of which you are taking a memorandum in order to retain them here with these two ships: that is to say the Gallega and that other, the Capitana, of which I likewise purchased the three-eighths from the master of it, for the price given in the said memorandum which you are taking, signed by my hand. These ships not only will give authority and great security to the people who are obliged to remain inland and make arrangements with the Indians to gather the gold, but they will also be of service in any other dangerous matter which may arise with a strange people; besides the caravels are necessary for the discovery of the mainland and the other islands which lie between here and there; and you will entreat their Highnesses to order the maravedis which these ships cost, paid at the times which they have been promised, because without doubt they will soon receive what they cost, according to what I believe and hope in the mercy of God.

["The Admiral has done well, and to tell him that the sum has been paid here to the one who sold the ship, and Don Juan de

Fonseca has been ordered to pay for the two caravels which the Admiral bought.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses, and will supplicate on my part as humbly as possible, that it may please them to reflect on what they will learn most fully from the letters and other writings in regard to the peace and tranquility and concord of those who are here: and that for the service of their Highnesses such persons may be selected as shall not be suspected, and who will give more attention to the matters for which they are sent than to their own interests: and since you saw and knew everything in regard to this matter, you will speak and will tell their Highnesses the truth about all the things as you understood them, and you will endeavour that the provision which their Highnesses make in regard to it shall come with the first ships if possible, in order that there may be no scandals here in a matter of so much importance in the service of their Highnesses.

["Their Highnesses are well informed in regard to this matter, and suitable provision will he made for everything.']

"Item. You will tell their Highnesses of the situation of this city, and the beauty of the surrounding province as you saw and understood it, and how I made you its Alcalde, by the powers which I have for same from their Highnesses: whom I humbly entreat to hold the said provision in part satisfaction of your services, as I hope from their Highnesses.

["It pleases their Highnesses that you shall be Alcalde.'']

"Item. Because Mosen Pedro Margarite, servant of their Highnesses, has done good service, and I hope he will do the same henceforward in matters which are intrusted to him, I have been pleased to have him remain here, and also Caspar and Beltran, because they are recognised servants of their Highnesses, in order to intrust them with matters of confidence. You will specially entreat their Highnesses in regard to the said Mosen Pedro, who is married and has children, to provide him with some charge in the order of Santiago, whose habit he wears, that his wife and children may have the wherewith to live. In the same manner you will relate how well and diligently Juan Aguado, servant of their Highnesses, has rendered service in everything which he has been ordered to do, and that I supplicate their Highnesses to have him and the aforesaid persons in their charge and to reward them.

["Their Highnesses order 30,000 maravedis to he assigned to Mosen Pedro each year, and to Gaspar and Beltran, to each one,

15,000 maravedis each year, from the present, August 15, 1494 henceforward: and thus the Admiral shall cause to be paid to them whatever must he paid yonder in the Indies, and Don Juan de Fonseca whatever must he paid here: and in regard to Juan

Aguado, their Highnesses will hold him in remembrance.]

"Item. You will tell their Highnesses of the labour performed by Dr Chanca, confronted with so many invalids, and still more because of the lack of provisions: and nevertheless, he acts with great diligence and charity in everything pertaining to his office. And as their Highnesses referred to me the salary which he was to receive here, because, being here, it is certain that he cannot take or receive anything from anyone, nor earn money by his office as he earned it in Castile, or would be able to earn it being at his ease and living in a different manner from the way he lives here; therefore, notwithstanding he swears that he earned more there, besides the salary which their Highnesses gave him, I did not wish to allow more than 50,000 maravedis each year for the work he performs here while he remains here. This I entreat their Highnesses to order allowed to him with the salary from here, and that, because he says and affirms that all the physicians of their Highnesses who are employed in Royal a:Kairs or things similar to this, are accustomed to have by right one day's wages in all the year from all the people. Nevertheless, I have been informed, and they tell me, that however this may be, the custom is to give them a certain sum, fixed according to the will and command of their Highnesses in compensation for that day's wages. You will entreat their Highnesses to order provision made as well in the matter of the salary as of this custom, in such manner that the said Dr Chanca may have reason to be satisfied.

["Their Highnesses are pleased in regard to this matter of Dr Chanca, and that he shall he paid what the Admiral has assigned to him, together with his salary.

"In regard to the day's wages of the physicians, they are not accustomed to receive it, save where the King, our Lord, may he in person.']

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that Coronel is a man for the service of their Highnesses in many things, and how much service he has rendered up to the present in all the most necessary matters, and the need we feel of him now that he is sick; and that rendering service in such a manner, it is reasonable that he should receive the fruit of his service, not only in future favours, but in his present salary, so that he and those who are here may feel that their service profits them; because, so great is the labour which must be performed here in gathering the gold that the persons who are so diligent are not to be held in small consideration; and as, for his skill, he was provided here by me with the office of Alguacil Mayor of these Indies; and since in the provision the salary is left blank, you will say that I supplicate their Highnesses to order it filled in with as large an amount as they may think right, considering his services, confirming to him the provision I have given him here, and assuring it to him annually.

["Their Highnesses order that 15,000 maravedis more than his salary shall he assigned him each year, and that it shall he paid to him with his salary."

"In the same manner you will tell their Highnesses how the lawyer Gil Garcia came here for Alcalde Mayor and no salary has been named or assigned to him; and he is a capable person, well educated and diligent, and is very necessary here; that I entreat their Highnesses to order his salary named and assigned, so that he can sustain himself, and that it may be paid from the money allowed for salaries here.

["Their Highnesses order 20,000 maravedis besides his salary assigned to him each year, as long as he remains yonder, and that it shall he paid him when his salary is paid.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses, although it is already written in the letters, that I do not think it will be possible to go to make discoveries this year, until these rivers in which gold is found are placed in the most suitable condition for the service of their Highnesses, as afterwards it can be done much better. Because it is a thing which no one can do without my presence, according to my will or for the service of their Highnesses, however well it may be done, as it is doubtful what will be satisfactory to a man unless he is present.

["Let him endeavour that the amount of this gold may be known as precisely as possible.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that the Squires who came from Granada showed good horses in the review which took place at Seville, and afterward at the embarkation I did not see them because I was slightly unwell, and they replaced them with such horses that the best of them do not appear to be worth 2000 maravedis, as they sold the others and bought these; and this was done in the same way to many people as I very well saw yonder, in the reviews at Seville. It appears that Juan de Soria, after he had been given the money for the wages, for some interest of his own substituted others in place of those I expected to find here, and I found people whom I had never seen. In this matter he was guilty of great wickedness, so that I do not know if I should complain of him alone. On this account, having seen that the expenses of these Squires have been defrayed until now, besides their wages and also wages for their horses, and it is now being done: and they are persons who, when they are sick or when they do not desire to do so, will not allow any use to be made of their horses save by themselves; and their Highnesses do not desire that these horses should be purchased of them, but that they should be used in the service of their Highnesses: and it does not appear to them that they should do anything or render any service except on horseback, which at the present time is not much to the purpose: on this account, it seems that it would be better to buy the horses from them, since they are of so little value, and not have these disagreements with them every day. Therefore their Highnesses may determine this as will best serve them.

["Their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to inform himself in regard to this matter of the horses, and if it shall he found true that this fraud was committed, those persons shall he sent to their Highnesses to be punished: and also he is to inform himself in regard to what is said of the other people, and send the result of the examination to their Highnesses; and in regard to these Squires, their Highnesses command that they remain there and render service, since they belong to the guards and servants of their Highnesses: and their Highnesses order the Squires to give up the horses each time it is necessary and the Admiral orders it, and if the horses receive any injury through others using them, their Highnesses order that the damage shall be paid to them by means of the Admiral.']

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that more than 200 persons have come here without wages, and there are some of them who render good service. And as it is ordered that the others rendering similar service should be paid: and as for these first three years it would be of great benefit to have 1000 men here to settle, and place this island and the rivers of gold in very great security, and even though there were 100 horsemen nothing would be lost, but rather it seems necessary, although their Highnesses will be able to do without these horsemen until gold is sent: nevertheless, their Highnesses must send to say whether wages shall be paid to these 200 persons, the same as to the others rendering good service, because they are certainly necessary, as I have said in the beginning of this memorandum.

[''In regard to these 200 persons, who are here said to have gone without wages, their Highnesses order that they shall take the places of those who went for wages, who have failed or shall fail to fulfil their engagements, if they are skilful and satisfactory to the Admiral. And their Highnesses order the Purser {Contador) to enrol them in place of those who fail to fulfil their engagements, as the Admiral shall instruct him.]

"Item. As the cost of these people can be in some degree lightened and the better part of the expense could be avoided by the same means employed by other Princes in other places: it appears that it would be well to order brought in the ships, besides the other things which are for the common maintenance and the medicines, shoes and the skins from which to order the shoes made, common shirts and others, jackets, linen, sack-coats, trowsers and cloths suitable for wearing apparel, at reasonable prices: and other things like conserves which are not included in rations, and are for the preservation of health, which things all the people here would willingly receive to apply on their wages: and if these were purchased yonder in Spain by faithful Ministers who would act for the advantage of their Highnesses, something would be saved. Therefore you will learn the will of their Highnesses about this matter, and if it appears to them to be of benefit to them, then it must be placed in operation.

["This arrangement is to be in abeyance until the Admiral writes more fully, and at another time they will send to order Don Juan de Fonseca with Jimeno de Bribiesca to make provision for the same.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that inasmuch as yesterday in the review people were found who were without arms, which I think happened in part by that exchange which took place yonder in Seville, or in the harbour when those who presented themselves armed were left, and others were taken who gave something to those who made the exchange, it seems that it would be well to order 200 cuirasses sent, and 100 muskets and 100 crossbows, and a large quantity of arsenal supplies, which is what we need most, and all these arms can be given to those who are unarmed.

["Already Don Juan de Fonseca has been written to make provision for this.]

"Item. Inasmuch as some artisans who came here, such as masons and other workmen, are married and have wives yonder in Spain, and would like to have what is owing them from their wages given to their wives or to the persons to whom they will send their requirements in order that they may buy for them the things which they need here: I supplicate their Highnesses to order it paid to them, because it is for their benefit to have these persons provided for here.

["Their Highnesses have already sent orders to Don Juan de Fonseca to make provision for this matter.]

"Item. Because, besides the other things which are asked for there according to the memoranda which you are carrying signed by my hand, for the maintenance of the persons in good health as well as for the sick ones, it would be very well to have fifty casks of molasses (miel de azucar) from the island of Madeira, as it is the best sustenance in the world and the most healthful, and it does not usually cost more than two ducats per cask, without the cask: and if their Highnesses order some caravel to stop there in returning, it can be purchased and also ten cases of sugar, which is very necessary; as this is the best season of the year to obtain it, I say between the present time and the month of April, and to obtain it at a reasonable price. If their Highnesses command it, the order could be given, and it would not be known there for what place it is wanted.

["Let Don Juan de Fonseca make provision for this matter.]

"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that although the rivers contain gold in the quantity related by those who have seen it, yet it is certain that the gold is not engendered in the rivers but rather on the land, the waters of the rivers which flow by the mines bringing it enveloped in the sands; and as among these rivers which have been discovered there are some very large ones, there are others so small that they are fountains rather than rivers, which are not more than two fingers of water in depth, and then the source from which they spring may be found: for this reason not only labourers to gather it in the sand will be profitable, but others to dig for it in the earth, which will be the most particular operation and produce a great quantity. And for this, it will be well for their Highnesses to send labourers, and from among those who work yonder in Spain in the mines of Almaden, that the work may be done in both ways. Although we will not await them here, as with the labourers we have here we hope, with the aid of God, once the people are in good health, to amass a good quantity of gold to be sent on the first caravels which return.

["This will be fully provided for in another manner. In the meantime their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to send the best miners he can obtain; and to write to Almaden to have the greatest possible number taken from there and sent.]

"Item. You will entreat their Highnesses very humbly on my part, to consider Villacorta as speedily recommended to them, who, as their Highnesses know, has rendered great service in this business, and with a very good will, and as I know him, he is a diligent person and very devoted to their service: it will be a favour to me if he is given some confidential charge for which he is fitted, and where he can show his desire to serve them and his diligence: and this you will obtain in such a way that Villacorta may know by the result, that what he has done for me when I needed him profits him in this manner.

["It will be done thus.]

"Item. That the said Mosen Pedro and Caspar and Beltran and others who have remained here gave up the captainship of caravels, which have now returned, and are not receiving wages: but because they are persons who must be employed in important matters and of confidence, their compensation, which must be different from the others, has not been determined. You will entreat their Highnesses on my part to determine what is to be given them each year, or by the month, according to their service.

"Done in the city of Isabella, January 30, 1494.

["This has already been replied to above, but as it is stated in the said item that they enjoy their salary, from the present time their Highnesses order that their wages shall be paid to all of them from the time they left their captainships."]

This document is worth studying, written as it was in circumstances that at one moment looked desperate and at another were all hope. Columbus was struggling manfully with difficulties that were already beginning to be too much for him. His guiding star of faith in some shore beyond the mist and radiance of the West — see into what strange places and to what strange occupations it has led him! The blue, visionary eyes, given to seeing things immediately beyond the present horizon, must fix themselves on accounts and requisitions, on the needs of idle, aristocratic, grumbling Spaniards; must fix themselves also on that blank void in the bellies of his returning ships, where the gold ought to have been. The letter has its practical side; the requisitions are made with good sense and a grasp of the economic situation; but they have a deeper significance than that. All this talk about little ewe lambs, wine and bacon (better than the last lot, if it pleases your Highnesses), little yearling calves, and fifty casks of molasses that can be bought a ducat or two cheaper in Madeira in the months of April and May than at any other time or place, is only half real. Columbus fills his Sovereigns' ears with this clamour so that he shall not hear those embarrassing questions that will inevitably be asked about the gold and the spices. He boldly begins his letter with the old story about " indications of spices "and gold" in incredible quantities," with a great deal of "moreover" and "besides," and a bold, pompous, pathetic "I will undertake"; and then he gets away from that subject by wordy deviations, so that to one reading his letter it really might seem as though the true business of the expedition was to provide Coronel, Mosen Pedro, Caspar, Beltran, Gil Garcia, and the rest of them with work and wages. Everything that occurs to him, great or little, that makes it seem as though things were humming in the new settlement, he stuffs into this document, shovelling words into the empty hulls of the ships, and trying to fill those bottomless pits with a stream of talk. A system of slavery is boldly and bluntly sketched; the writer, in the hurry and stress of the moment, giving to its economic advantages rather greater prominence than to its religious glories. The memorandum, for all its courageous attempt to be very cool and orderly and practical, gives us, if ever a human document did, a picture of a man struggling with an impossible situation which he will not squarely face, like one who should try to dig up the seashore and keep his eyes shut the while.

In the royal comments written against the document one seems to trace the hand of Isabella rather than of Ferdinand. Their tone is matter-of-fact, cool, and comforting, like the coolness of a woman's hand placed on a feverish brow. Isabella believed in him; perhaps she read between the lines of this document, and saw, as we can see, how much anxiety and distress were written there; and her comments are steadying and encouraging. He has done well; what he asks is being attended to; their Highnesses are well informed in regard to this and that matter; suitable provision will be made for everything; hut let him endeavour that the amount of this gold may be known as precisely as possible.

There is indeed no escaping from that. The Admiral (no one knows it better than himself) must make good his dazzling promises, and coin every boastful word into a golden excelente of Spain. Alas! he must no longer write about the lush grasses, the shining rivers, the brightly coloured parrots, the gaudy flies and insects, the little singing birds, and the nights that are like May in Cordova. He must find out about the gold; for it has come to grim business in the Earthly Paradise.

A POW from a different era and war

Recollections of capture by the Germans, imprisonment, and escape of Medal of Honor winner Lieutenant Edouard Victor Isaacs, U.S.N. in 1918.

 

Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
November 13, 1918.

From: Lieut. Edouard Victor Isaacs, U.S.N.
To: Secretary of the Navy,

Subject:  Report on Imprisonment in Germany and escape therefrom.

 1. About sundown on 30th May, when sailing in convoy with the Susquehana, Antigone and Ryndam, and escorted by American and French destroyers, the signal was given for the escort to leave us and proceed on duty assigned. We continued in line formation zig-zagging continuously, the Ryndam being on our left and the other two ships on our right.

About 1 a.m. the U.90 cruising at 5 knots speed sighted us distant about 2000 yards. As she found herself in the direct rays of the moon, she dropped back and trailed us until she had obtained our base course. She then made a wide detour and submerging, took up a position intercepting our base course and a few miles in advance.

At 9 o'clock on the morning of the 31st, I had gone off watch from my station in after-control and was just finishing breakfast when the ship was rocked by a double explosion. I immediately ran aft to my battle station, but before I reached it another explosion occurred directly under No. 12 lifeboat. The submarine had fired three torpedoes at us at a distance at about 800 yards, the first two striking us forward near the bridge and the third one abaft the engine room. She was 100 yards directly ahead of the Ryndam when she fired at us, so she immediately submerged to a depth of 60 meters to avoid the Ryndam. At ten minutes after nine, I received a report from the after repair party that No. 5 and 6 holds were filled and the water approaching No. 2 deck. I reported this to the Captain over the phone, and at 12 minutes after nine I received orders to abandon ship. At 9.15, having made sure that all hands aft had abandoned ship, I stepped from the quarterdeck upon a life raft floating alongside.

All this time the ship had been settling steadily, but practically on an even keel. By means of the boats near us we were able to pull away from the sinking ship and to tie together most of our life rafts. At 9.30 the ship went down and from then on, top-masts and other debris were propelled out of the water amongst us in all directions. I was on the life raft until 9.45, when one of our boats picked me up.

About five minutes later the submarine returned to the surface and made its way through the nests of life rafts and boats. I lay down in the stern sheets and covered the stripes on my sleeves with my body but the ruse was probably discovered for the submarine approached to within 50 yards.

The Captain of the submarine put his megaphone to his mouth and sang out "Come aboard." We pulled alongside and I stepped aboard: as I did so a German sailor came behind me and took my gun. I made my way to the conning tower, where the captain asked me if I were the Commanding Officer of the President Lincoln. I told him, "No" but that I thought the Captain had gone down with the ship. He informed me that he was Captain Remy of the U.90, and that he had orders to take the Senior naval officer prisoner whenever he sunk a Navy ship; that I should remain aboard and point out the Captain to him, or it would be necessary to take me instead. Accordingly we cruised slowly among all the rafts and boats, and I sung out to different officers asking if they had seen the Captain. After two or three negative answers I turned to Captain Remy and told him that I was sure the Captain had gone down with the ship; whereupon he sent me below, where I was given warm clothing and was allowed to lie down in one of the bunks. I had previously been given a glass of sherry when I stepped aboard the submarine.

Captain Remy then turned away from the boats and rafts and cruised in a north-easterly direction at 5 knots speed on the surface for the rest of the day. When he sighted us the night before he was about 300 miles west of Brest on what he called his cruising ground, so the following day he was back in position again. This was June first.

Early in the morning we intercepted a radio from one of our destroyers stating that the survivors of the President Lincoln had been picked up and that a few were missing. That afternoon we sighted two American destroyers -- apparently the ones which had picked up the survivors. Captain Remy told me afterwards he thought that by putting on speed and running away he might avoid being seen. Accordingly he signalled "Full speed ahead" but was instantly seen by the destroyers, who gave chase. He quickly submerged and about three minutes afterwards we heard depth bombs exploding all about us. Twenty-two bombs were counted in four minutes; five of them were very close or seemed so to me for they shook the vessel from stem to stern. The submarine was making about 8 knots speed, zig-zagging, and apparently doubling back on its course. The petty officer at the microphones sung out continuously to the Captain who was in the conning tower whether the destroyers were getting closer or farther away, keeping him informed at all times as to their actions. Soon the man at the phones could no longer hear the propellers but we remained submerged at a depth of 60 metres for perhaps an hour longer. Then coming to the surface we continued our cruising up and down at 5 knots speed.

The following morning, June 2nd, another American destroyer was sighted, but so far away that the submarine was not seen. Captain Remy then told me he felt that things were getting too warm for him in that vicinity, and he intended to return to his base. I tried to find out which way he came and went, if he got through the Straits of Dover, if Ostende and Zeebrugge had been seriously damaged by the British, and other similar points of information. I found out the following:

1. That on his previous trip he had used the Channel and the Straits of Dover in going and returning.

2. That it was only recently the British had taken effective measures to close the Straits, which was simplified by the use of magnesium lights and the short hours of darkness which obtained in these latitudes during the summer months.

3. Furthermore he felt that it was possible for him to get back on this trip through the Straits; but it was very difficult and he did not dare to take the chance.

We accordingly left the West coast of France and headed in a north-westerly direction. We continued along the West coast of Ireland all that day and the next, and on June 4, early in the morning, they called me to go hunting. They had approached a small island west of the Orkneys, called North Rona, where Remy was in the habit of stopping on each trip, weather permitting, and shooting a few of the wild sheep which were the sole inhabitants of the island. It seems that years before a hermit had come to live on the island and had begun the raising of sheep. After his death the sheep had continued to thrive, and on this day I was able to count at least 150 of them from my position on the deck of the submarine -- for after I had risen the Captain decided I was not to go hunting after all. He sent instead one of his officers and two men in the small bateau which he carried between the inner and outer hull of the submarine. They approached to within 100 yards of the beach, found a landing place, and a few minutes later were seen making their way up the side of the cliff. I watched from the deck of the submarine through my binoculars. They shot 9 sheep, one of which fell over the top of the cliff and into the water. Remy, telling me that he knew he was a fool to do such a thing backed the submarine to within three feet of the cliff where one of the sailors dropped a grapnel and caught the sheep which had fallen over the cliff. Apparently there was plenty of water there. A few hours later the sheep were aboard, and we were under way heading in a north easterly direction around the Shetland Islands.

The following day we rounded the most northerly point of the Shetlands, his sight giving him 61.10 N. I was surprised that he did not attempt to go through between the Shetlands and the Orkneys, but I found out a few days later from a French naval officer captured a few days before by the U.35, that had Captain Remy done so he would have had to cut through the patrol which is maintained there, and which the U.35 had actually penetrated and passed through submerged with only his periscope showing.

From this point on, Captain Remy requested that I question him as little as possible because of the confidential character of the information I would be likely to desire. However, on the 6th of June we were passing along the coast of Norway as near as I could find out, all the time trying to get into communication with Kiel.

On June 7th, we got in touch with another U-boat which was running short of fuel. I could not find out its number. The captain came aboard the night of June 7, talked awhile with Captain Remy, and then returned to his boat lying a few hundred yards away. It was rather rough so he did not take on fuel, but said he would try to make it into Kiel with what he had.

The following morning, June 8, we passed to the north of Jutland into Skaggerrack, hugging the Danish coast. That morning we fell in with another U-boat and for three hours both submarines manoeuvered at high speed up and down past a lighthouse and a fixed buoy. I took a bearing of the two objects and found the fixed buoy bore 139 degrees and the lighthouse 169 degrees as close as I could observe.

About noon time we continued on apparently into the Kattegat. I had asked Remy if he ever rested on the bottom, so that afternoon he submerged and rested on the bottom for about three hours. He told me that the submarine which was short of fuel had finally run out and had asked Kiel for instructions. Kiel replied by sending 4 submarines which were apparently in that vicinity to give him oil. Remy intercepted these radio calls and went himself to the assistance of the submarine. After resting on the bottom in the afternoon he came to the surface after dark and gave them the fuel they needed.

On June 9th when I awoke we were under way and continued so until about 9 A.M. We then submerged until about noon time, making probably 5 knots speed. About noon we came to the surface for a few minutes only when we again submerged and remained so, making about 5 knots speed until 11 P.M. About 7 o'clock we approached the surface when Remy promised us a smoke on deck; but through his periscope he must have seen something not to his liking for he immediately submerged again, and we remained thus until after dusk. It was then about 11 P.M. I went up on deck to smoke and found myself in a little bay with the lights of Sweden on one side those of Denmark on the other. I think this is in the vicinity of Helsinger. We were probably four or five miles from land and remained in the centre of this bay cruising at six knots speed on the surface. The sun had long since set but it was still twilight. There is practically no night there at this time of the year -- at least no real darkness.

I had been on deck about 5 minutes when about a quarter of a mile away I saw another submarine come to the surface. Fifteen minutes later still another submarine emerged making three of us in all. The three submarines continued under way at low speed, moving backwards and forwards apparently using up time. Finding that I was finally at their rendezvous and that I was not far from a neutral country, I determined to try to make a getaway.

I had my life jacket which had never been taken from me, and I waited around on deck hoping it would get dark enough so that when I was in the water I would not be seen and picked up again. However, it was 12.30 and would apparently become no darker so I decided now was the time to jump. While I was moving over towards the side of the platform abaft the conning tower, a German destroyer was sighted bearing down on us from the east at high speed. She was also making the rendezvous in order to escort us through the sound. Just as I was going over the side, Captain Remy, who was never more than two yards from me, caught me before I could jump. He ordered me below. Just before I passed through the hatch in the conning tower I took one last look around and saw that the destroyer was placing herself at the head of the column, the 3 submarines were following and we were heading westward through what appeared to be a small channel into which I had seen several small fishing boats sailing half an hour earlier. All the ships in these waters -- and there were several that passed us at a distance of a few miles -- were burning their running lights. I was up early on the morning of the 10th, and was allowed to go up on deck. I found that we had passed into the Baltic and were heading in a south westerly direction. There was no sign of the destroyer nor of the other submarines, though later in the morning I saw one proceeding towards Kiel distant from us about 2 miles. We ran past the island of Fehmarn and on to Kiel at about 12 knots speed.

Before reaching Fehmarn we passed the battle cruiser Hindenburg and two other battle cruisers apparently of the same type, holding individual maneuvers; also 4 other armored cruisers. All the morning the crew were busy taking out the breech blocks, cleaning the guns, taking the shell cases out of their tanks from the racks in which they are stowed on deck, shining brass work and preparing the ship in all respects for port. I noticed that several of the tanks were not watertight, for upon taking the shells from the tanks, a large quantity of water was usually found inside. I sat out on deck with my binoculars and observed all the movements of the ships in the neighborhood. We passed three or four steamers apparently on their way to Danish or Baltic ports. They must have come from Kiel.

We entered Kiel Harbour, which was protected by a net, at 3 P.M. on June 10th. We tied up at the landing near the entrance to the canal and I was allowed to go ashore for a few minutes’ walk with one of the officers. I noticed that there were probably a dozen destroyers of rather small type outside the net and in the harbour. Also tied up alongside docks were about 9 armoured and light cruisers. There were probably 8 submarines in port or manoeuvering outside the net, all of the same type as the U.90; but there were also two large submarines probably 350 feet long each mounting a 6" gun forward and painted a dark green, lying in the harbour. Remy told me that they were the new minelayers -- a fact which I had previously heard mentioned by one of the petty officers to some of the men, for I had learned several German words during my time on board the U.90. Later in the afternoon another submarine tied up alongside us, but I could not find out its number. The Captain appeared to be a friend of Remy's, and later on Remy told me that this friend of his had sunk the Celtic and one other large transport the name of which he had forgotten. At 7 o'clock we shoved off and in company with this other submarine proceeded down the Canal. I turned in about midnight, and we were at that time about one hour from Brunsbuttel. We had made approximately nine miles an hour down the canal.

During the time I was on deck I noticed that at every 2 or 3 kilometers along the length of the Canal there was a guardhouse with several sentries and patrols walking along the bank every few hundred yards. The Canal is well lighted and has bollards about every 200 yards on both sides. There is no debris or rubbish of any kind in the canal, and no impediment to navigation except a few bridges with a high arch, and every few kilometers a little ferry. In most places the banks are cemented for at least part of the way up the side of the steep slopes. Where there is no cement there is a gravelly shingle.

When I came on deck the morning of June 11th we were in the German Bay (Heligoland Bight). I noticed a Zeppelin hanging probably 2000 metres above us apparently patrolling. We entered the mouth of the Jade River and could see Wilhelmshaven, where we arrived at 11 o'clock in the morning. About 9 o'clock we had passed a division of battleships, of whom two were the Grosser Kurfuest and Konig II; the other one was probably a sister ship. They were sailing north at high speed escorted by four large destroyers. Everywhere along the river and in the German Bay there were destroyers, repair ships and tugs. The channel is well buoyed so we had no pilot.

Both at Wilhelmshaven and at Kiel we passed through locks in a very good state of preservation and with everything in ship-shape order. After passing through the locks at Wilhelmshaven the Captain asked me to go below, where I stayed until we had tied up alongside the mother ship Preussen. He apparently did not want me to see the shipping in the harbour: however, when I went to the flagship two days later I passed by several of the docks at which were tied ships of all kinds. As soon as we were tied up to the mother ship I was sent aboard and put in a room with a barred port, the door locked and an armed sentry placed outside, although we were lying in some backwater from which it would have been impossible for me to escape to the mainland; even had I done so I would have had to pass through the "most intensely guarded city of Germany," as they call it. One of the German Officers told me it was practically impossible even for him in uniform to get out of Wilhelmshaven without passing through an enormous amount of red tape.

The U.90 is a submarine built in 1916, approximately 200 feet long, carrying two 10.5 c.m. guns -- one forward and one aft of the conning tower. Captain Remy boasted that he could make 16 knots speed on the surface, and that he had demonstrated the superiority in speed that German submarines have over the American submarines when, sometime previously, he had had an encounter with the A.L.4; that they had manoeuvered in trying to get a shot at each other; that both submerged two or three times; and that finally he was able to fire a torpedo at the American submarine after getting into position owing to his superior surface speed; that just as he was firing the A.L.4 dove and his torpedo passed a few feet over her. While I was aboard we never submerged to a depth greater than 70 metres, although Captain Remy told me he could go to 100 metres. That last day while passing through the Kattegat when we were submerged for over 10 hours, we travelled most of the time at a depth of 70 metres. He seldom made more than 8 knots speed submerged -- I doubt if he could make much more. He carried a crew of 42 men and 4 officers. Another officer, Captain Lieutenant Kahn, was aboard for purposes of instruction, having had his request granted to command a submarine of his own. While I was at Wilhelmshaven Kaptain-Leutnant Kahn came to see me in prison and told me he had just received orders to proceed to Kiel and take command of one of the new submarines.

Of the crew of 42 men, two were warrant officers -- one the navigator, the other the machinist. The Captain's three assistants were Lieutenants corresponding to our grade of Ensign. One was a Naval Academy man who entered the navy in 1913 -- he was a deck officer; another was a reserve ensign from the merchant fleet by the name of Wiedermann, who spoke English very well having been in America and England in peace times on various steamers; the other officer was a regular who had gone to their school for engineers and who was responsible for the efficiency of the machinery -- he did not stand deck watch. The watch on deck was stood by the navigator (warrant officer) and the two ensigns (Leutnants). The Captain, Kaptan-Leutnant Remy, took the conn when ships were sighted and in passing through narrow waters. He had entered the navy in 1905 and had travelled considerably, having been to America in 1911 on a cruiser which put in at Charleston, South Carolina, and into New York, in both of which places he had been hospitably entertained. He liked America but could not understand why America had entered the war. He believed as all Germans are taught to believe by the governmental propaganda, that our entry into the war must have as its motive the rendering safe of the millions we loaned to France and England earlier in the war.

When I was captured the Germans were nearing Paris. On the submarine we received radio reports every day and it did look bad for the Allies. Remy and his officers were absolutely confident that the war would be over in a few months, and would end in a big German Victory, for as they said:

"France will soon be overrun by our
"armies and there will be no place for
"the American troops to land. Besides
"you are coming over so slowly that the
"war will be ended long before you have
"a sufficient number of troops in
"Europe to affect the result."

The U.90 carried 8 torpedoes. At the beginning of this last cruise she had sunk two other ships, both of them of about 2500 tons and apparently had used one torpedo on each ship. I believe she had three torpedoes left when we arrived at Wilhelmshaven. They seldom fire their torpedoes at a range greater than 1000 metres, and if possible they approach to within 500 metres of their prey.

Remy would not admit it, but had their torpedoes been as good as ours he would probably have torpedoed us, or at least one of the ships of the convoy, when he fell upon us in the darkness of early morning on May 31st, for he told me that he could not have been at a greater distance from us than 2000 metres.

The submarine rolled a little in the Atlantic though we had no very rough weather. In the North Sea the choppy seas seemed hardly to affect it; and under the surface there was no sensation of being in motion. The air inside the submarine when we were submerged on the last day for 10 hours was becoming disagreeable. However, several tanks of Oxygen were carried which Remy told me he would use in case of necessity. The watertight doors between the different compartments were kept closed at all times after entering the North Sea. The officers and crew smoked in the conning tower or on deck, but nowhere else. The wardroom was about 6 feet wide and 7 feet long. Here we ate at a small table, and in the lockers along the bulk head the wardroom food was kept. Here also they installed hammock hooks and swung a hammock for me to sleep in alongside two bunks used by Kahn and one of the other officers.

Just forward of this room was a smaller compartment known as the captain's cabin, in which he had his desk and bunk -- with scarcely room for either. Forward of this cabin was a sleeping compartment for the men, and forward or this was the forward torpedo room. I was never allowed in the torpedo rooms. Abaft the wardroom on the starboard side was a small cabin about 4 feet wide and 6 feet long occupied by the other two officers. Across the passage on the port side was the radio room. Abaft these two small compartments was the control room. Here there were always two men on watch. Abaft the control room was the other living compartment for the men. Here the food was cooked and the men ate their meals. Abaft this was the engine room and then the after torpedo room. The men slept in hammocks and on the deck. They were very dirty for there was no water to wash with. In the wardroom we had enough to wash our hands and faces every day, but that was all. A little wine was carried for the officers, who also had eggs two or three times while I was on board. They had sausage at every meal, canned bread and lard, which they called marmalade and used on their bread. Remy told me however that the people on the submarines were the only ones who had an unlimited amount of meat and the like. We had practically four meals every day; at 8 A.M. breakfast, at 12 o'clock noon dinner, at 4 P.M. what they called "Kaffee," and at 8 P.M. supper; but practically every meal was the same, at least until we had the fresh mutton shot on North Rona Island. "Kaffee" at 4 P.M. apparently corresponded to our tea, but the sausage (or, as they call it, "Wurst") was placed on the table every meal. After supper every night we played cards, sometimes Bridge and sometimes a new game with the secrets of which I was soon acquainted. Captain Remy tried in every way possible to make things pleasant for me, and when I asked an impossible question he invariably told me he did not think he ought to answer, so I have great confidence that what he did tell me was the truth.

The U.90 and most of the other German submarines were out usually not more than five or six weeks, and then in port about three weeks. The service was not severe for Remy got leave as often as he cared to have it, and indeed it was deemed the height of good fortune by regular officers to be assigned to a submarine. The crew seemed happy and well fed. After making I think three round trips, they were entitled to the Iron Cross and to leave, which leave covered the duration of the stay of the submarine in port. They receive extra money and they get the best food in Germany; besides which, for every day that they submerge, both officers and men receive extra money. For all of these reasons it is a popular service. On this trip of the U.90 she arrived back at Wilhelmshaven the thirty-third day after leaving Kiel.

On the trip we received the news of German submarines being in American waters from the Radio Press. Remy was chagrined that he had not been allowed to go to America with the U.90; he told me he had previously requested it.

I was in my prison room on the Preussen two or three days. Twice I saw the Commanding Officer who brought me a tooth brush and a comb. Remy came to see me twice before he went on leave and gave me cigarettes. He also changed into German money a $5 bill which I had found on my clothes. I had him get me some tooth paste and a few other toilet articles.

After the two visits from the Commanding Officer of the Preussen I saw no more of him, and he apparently left my rationing and entertainment to my guards. Sometimes they brought me food and sometimes they didn't. Practically all the time I had only sour black bread which was almost impossible to eat, and some warm water coloured with Ersatz Kaffee which we afterwards found out was made of roasted acorns and barley.

Two other submarines came alongside the Preussen in the next two days -- the U.91 and the U.101. I found that the Preussen was the mother ship of about 6 or 8 submarines. One day I was taken in a launch to the Chief of Staff on the Kaiser Wilhelm II and questioned. He, like Remy, could not understand why America had entered the war. He belittled the result of our entry into the war, and while he was very courteous he showed by his manner that, were it in the power of the Navy, America would one day regret that she had cast in her lot on the side of England. "Why," he said, "We expected you to enter on the side of Germany." Finally he asked me if we knew what we were fighting for, and why we had entered the war. I told him in a few short and concise sentences, and in a way that made his ears burn, why America had entered the war. I asked him if he thought America would ever forget the Lusitania, or would ever consider becoming an ally of a nation which had adopted the famous "Hymn of Hate." After a conversation which lasted about an hour I was sent back to the Preussen. On the way we passed many ships. I saw tied up at the docks probably 6 or 8 ships of the type of our three stackers; also about 20 or 30 destroyers apparently partially manned but with no steam up.

The following day I was taken to the prison on shore, to what they call the Commandatur. I was escorted through the streets by a warrant officer wearing side arms and a guard of about 4 men. We landed from a launch and walked rapidly through the streets for about 45 minutes. At the Commandatur I was placed in a room which opened off a corridor. There was a guard in the corridor outside of my door, the door was kept locked at all times, and there was another guard outside my window. The guards were armed with rifles which I noticed they kept loaded. Here they searched me and took my identification tag. They also took my gun and left me my binoculars. Up to this time I had had my gun. On board the submarine I cleaned, oiled and loaded it, keeping it on Remy's desk. I could have reached it at any time, but I had only 20 cartridges. The crew consisted of 42 men so resistance was useless.

I was in the prison at Wilhelmshaven two days. A naval officer visited me twice and questioned me. My food was the same as it had been on the Preussen. At 5 o'clock the morning of the third day a young naval officer and two men came for me and took me to the station where we boarded a train for Karlsruhe. It was then I realized how fortunate I was to have the $5 bill, for I had nothing to eat on the trip except a sandwich which the officer gave me from his lunch. However at the station in Hanover he allowed me to buy a meal when he found that I had some money. We came by way of Hanover, Frankfort, Mannheim, to Karlsruhe. Near Wilhelmshaven there were large herds of Holstein cattle apparently for the fleet. Those were about the only cattle in any numbers that I saw in all Germany.

When we arrived at Karlsruhe I was taken to what prisoners call the "Listening Hotel," and there turned over to the Army Authorities. The procedure in this hotel is as follows; An officer is placed in a room alone; the doors and windows are locked; he cannot see outside, and he is in communication with no one. After a day of this he is placed with an officer who speaks the same language. In this room there are dictaphones hidden under tables, in chandeliers and in similar places. In this way the Germans try to get information of military value.

My second day at this hotel I was placed with 8 Frenchman in another room, and on the third day in a room with three British officers. While we were there three dictaphones were found by the officers, and little time was lost in tearing them out and destroying them. The first day I had been questioned by one of the Intelligent Department. He had typewritten sheets of questions which he put to me and filled in the answers I gave him. I tried to make him believe that I was giving him very much valuable information, but our Navy would have to be increased to a permanent strength of at least a million men in order to man the ships I claimed; and as for the troops we had brought over the battle line would have had to be extended to hold them all.

On the fourth day I was sent to the Officer's Camp in the Zoological Gardens at Karlsruhe. Here I found about 20 Italians, 10 Serbs, 100 French and 50 British Officers. Among this number were one French Naval Officer by the name of Domiani and a British Warrant Officer. From them I got some valuable information which checked up the information I had picked up on the U.90. Domiani was captured by a submarine which sunk his tank steamer west of Brest and arrived at Wilhelmshaven about three days before I did. They proceeded after the sinking of his ship to the mouth of the Channel where they fell in with another submarine, who, being senior, ordered him to patrol the waters to the North, probably Bristol Channel and St. George's Channel. After two or three days of this they proceeded to the West of Ireland and fell in with another submarine to the north of Ireland; So Domiani thinks that the Germans probably have one submarine always patrolling the west end of the channel; another just to the north guarding the southern approaches to the Irish Channel, and a third one to the north of Ireland guarding the northern approach to the Irish Channel. His submarine came through between the Orkneys and the Shetlands, across the North Sea into the Skaggerack, the Kattegat and the Sound. He also rendezvoused with three other submarines at some place in the vicinity of Copenhagen he thinks and then were escorted by a destroyer through Danish waters into the Baltic. He also came through the Kiel Canal, but on the way to Wilhelmshaven stopped at Heligoland and put off 5 torpedoes. Domiani was told that the number of the submarine was U.235, but he found out it was U.35 and that the Germans were in the habit of putting a "2" in front of their numbers, probably to pretend they had a greater number of submarines than was actually the case. He also said that in the Cattegat the Captain of the submarine told him he would have to waste a day for he had orders to look for a British minelaying submarine which they had heard was laying mines in the Cattegat.

The British Warrant Officer had been in command of a trawler armed with a small gun, on duty mine sweeping north of Ireland. In accordance with orders he always escorted convoys out, but as he could only make 7 or 8 knots the convoys usually left him behind. On his last trip he lost the convoy during the night; they had drawn far ahead of him so he put back to port. About daylight the U.101 intercepted him and commenced firing at him with his forward gun at a range of about three miles. He answered with a small gun until he and two others of his crew were wounded and the rest killed. He then surrendered. The U.101 came through practically the same waters as the U.90 as far as I could find out, although this British Warrant Officer was not so well informed as Diomiani. He recognized, however, that the little bay I described to him as the rendezvous of the submarine on which I was, was the same place where his submarine was joined by another, and the two then escorted through Danish waters by a destroyer.

All of this information checked with mine and strengthened me in my determination to escape at all costs. I was the only American at Karlsruhe, but the British and French treated me as one of themselves, and when they heard I intended to escape they provided me with maps, a compass, money and food. For two weeks I worked on plans for my escape. Two plans failed; the third (in which I was associated with some British and French Officers) failed when a letter written by one of the French officers to a woman in Karlsruhe fell into the hands of the Commandant of the camp. The aviator had been in Karlsruhe before the war and had many friends there. Through one of the guards he had communicated with one of these, a woman, and she had assisted in our plans. When the Commandant found the letter he suspected a big camp delivery, so Berlin was notified immediately.

The following day orders came from Berlin to clear the camp of all officers. In the forenoon all the British left except the aviators; these were followed in the afternoon by all the aviators and the French Officers. There then remained only a few Italians (who I believe have never been shifted, for they were undoubtedly Germanophile, and were so considered by all the other nationalities) some Serbian Officers, two British Generals and myself.

I found the Generals real live wires, and with one of them I made plans for a fresh attempt. We could not try that night, and anyway it looked as if we were to be left there indefinitely and so could wait for a better opportunity. The following morning at 6 o'clock one of the interpreters woke me and told me to be ready to leave the camp in half an hour. I dressed and hid my compass and maps as best I could in the short time, and passed through my search without any thing being found.

Upon entering and leaving a camp each officer is searched thoroughly. If any suspicion is aroused the officer is required to take off all his clothes, and each garment is separately inspected, kneaded to see if the rustle of paper can be heard, and finally the hems are ripped open, gold stripes and insignia cut off to see if a map or some other contraband is secreted within. Even the soles and heels of the shoes are cut off in their search -- as happened in my case.

I had no regret in leaving that camp for I felt that I could not be much worse off, and I might possibly find conditions better at the next camp. Besides we considered a journey the best time for attempting to escape. At Karlsruhe we had no breakfast. At noon we had soup made out of leaves, and a plate of black potatoes or horse carrots, or something similar. At night the same kind of soup again, and that was all, except the 240 grammes of black bread which we received every day.

At Karlsruhe I spent about three weeks and in all that time the soup was never changed. It was absolutely tasteless. It was hardly possible to exist on that ration, but the British and French Red Cross committees had enough food to considerably ameliorate conditions. The French committee had orders from France to take care of Americans, and while they had very few supplies I was given what they did have in like manner to their own countrymen.

The morning I left Karlsruhe, I noticed that all the Serbians and about 20 Frenchmen who had come in the night before, were also leaving camp. They were guarded by four sentries. I had two. I was marched through the town to the station and on to the train. The guards then told me we were bound for Villingen and would get there about 3 p.m. I saw a time table and planned to jump from the train at the first opportunity, but preferably as far south as possible in order not to have so far to walk to reach the Swiss frontier. But never once had I the least opportunity of breaking from the guards. They sat on either side of me with their guns (which were loaded) pointed at me all times. Finally we were only a few miles from Villingen, the train had already reached and passed the crest of the mountains and was on the down grade making good speed. I knew it had to be now or not at all. So watching my chance I caught one guard half dozing and the other with his head turned in the other direction, and jumping past them I dove for the window. It was very small probably 18 x 24 inches. On the outside of the car there was nothing to land on so I simply fell to the ground. Just as I disappeared, the guards who had been wondering what it all was about, jumped to their feet with a shout and pulled the bell cord. The train was making about 40 miles an hour and came to a stop about 300 yards farther on.

In the meantime I had landed on the second railway track. The ties were of steel and in falling I struck my head on one and was stunned for a few seconds. But the injury that did the damage was to my knees which struck another tie and were cut so badly that I could not bend them. I struggled to my feet and tried to shuffle off towards the hills and forest a few hundred yards away. But by this time the guards were out of the train and firing at me. I kept on going as long as I could, and then turned around and found that the guards were only 75 yards away, so I held up my hands as a sign that I surrendered. One of the guards had just fired. The shot passed between my hat and shoulder, and had they continued firing they must surely have hit me. When I turned they were on me in a few seconds. The first guard turned his gun and grasped it by the muzzle, and struck me over the head as I half lay and half sat on the side of the hill. I remember rolling downhill gaining additional impetus from their boots. They kicked me until I got up, and when I was up they knocked me down again with their guns. I noticed many people working in the fields who came over to look on. Finally in knocking me down the seventh or eighth time one of the guards struck me across the back of the head and his gun broke in two at the small of the stock. Villingen was about five miles away. They marched me down the road at as near double time as I could make shuffling along. They were beating and kicking me continuously. We finally arrived at the prison camp and I collapsed on the Guardhouse porch. I was greeted by the Commandant, a porkish looking individual, and typically Prussian, who bellowed at me in German that if I attempted to escape again I would be shot. An interpreter told me what he said. They sent for the German doctor and he bandaged me from head to foot with the paper bandages they use.

Then I was put on a bed in one of the guard house cells.

For three days I could not move and the vermin that infected the place made it almost unbearable. Later when I had recuperated enough to move my arms and upper body, I was able to keep most of the vermin away while I was awake. My body was covered with large red eruptions, for the German fleas are as poisonous as German propaganda.

About my sixth day in the cell, I was given a court-martial or at least I would call it such. There were three officers; and after questioning me they decided that I should be given two weeks solitary confinement in my cell. They never stopped the food and books that the American officers sent into me, so I was not so badly off as I might have been. When I came out of the cell however I weighed only 120 pounds -- I had lost 30.

Thereupon I began to consider fresh plans for escape. Thanks to Red Cross food I built up and got myself in good physical trim. Three plans failed due to treachery. There must have been some spies among the Russian Officers who gave our plans to the Germans. We were very much handicapped there because all the orderlies were Russian and the Russian officers themselves included every variety from the Regulars captured in 1914 to some Bolsheviki. We could trust no one. Our own officers included more than 25 combatants, about 20 doctors and 5 merchant officers taken by the raider Solf. Among the combatant or line officers there were a few live wires, but most were content to sit back, eat the food that the Red Cross sent, and after 18 months (as they hoped) be interned in Switzerland for the duration of the war. This lethargy was very disappointing to me for I found it entirely lacking among British and French Officers with whom I came in contact. I did not wish the Navy any hard luck, but I could not help wishing for a few Navy Officers whom I knew could be depended upon to set a good example to the Army. I was senior officer at the camp for some time, and I assured the officers in no uncertain terms what their duty was. Some had been in the trenches as long as three days. Of course they were not regular army officers and knew nothing about their duty, their privileges, their right, and so forth as prisoners of War. I tried however to make it clear to them that they were a potential asset to their country as long as they were prisoners and tried to escape, but once interned they became instead a burden. The British airmen told me they had regular lecture courses covering their conduct if taken prisoner, as to what their duty was, and in what their rights and privileges consisted. Americans could profit by some of the same instruction.

At Villingen the food was practically the same as at Karlsruhe, probably a little better. At least we did not notice that it was so bad because we seldom ate it, having instead our regular parcels from the Red Cross.

The people of Baden being principally of the agricultural class have more food than most of the other people of Germany. At the same time, as I learned from different guards I had bribed, practically the only food their families had was the produce out of their own gardens which they were able to hide from the officers who came around once a week to collect their harvest. They have no lard nor butter nor grease of any kind. The bread is rationed (as is practically everything else) and that forms their chief article of diet. They make a soup of some kind of herbs and grow immense quantities of cabbage and similar vegetables. The few guards who were friendly to us assured me that they were heartily sick of the war, as were all the people of Baden. Every month they expected to see the end of the war. They had finally passed the stage where they expected to win, and some appeared eager to see Prussia properly chastised. The people as a whole, however, are the most submissive race that I have ever seen. They go on the assumption that if the Kaiser says a thing is true, it must be true. They would never dream of questioning any orders emanating from the Government. They appeared to me like an oppressed race, ground down under the heel of their rulers for so long that finally they got a certain amount of pleasure out of this condition, and looked for nothing better. The faces of the women all looked drawn and careworn. I seldom saw a woman smile, and even the children seemed to have forgotten how to play. The country is overrun with children, the size of the families being immense, but they do not play as other children do, and even the sixteen year old lads in training never scuffled and romped as American boys do. They had at an early age already acquired what we call the Hindenburg scowl.

Across the road from the Prison camp was the caserne of the Training battalion. The Villingen newspaper called it the Ersatz battalion. Early in September most of the boys forming the battalion (which we understood were the 1920 class) left for the front to the number of 500. They were accompanied to the station by the townsfolk with flags waving and bands playing. The Caserne was immediately filled with a younger class of boys apparently 16 years old, and their military training was begun. Our guards at the camps were made up of these boys (who however were never placed on important posts) and older men back from the front for recuperation. There were about 150 Russian officers in our camp and 75 Americans. The Russians were not guarded because they were called "friends" by the Germans. Therefore the guards were kept for the Americans only. We had between 65 and 70 guards in the camp, and their regular tour of duty was two hours on and four hours off.

The Germans had finally decided to make Villingen an exclusively American camp. On October 7th all the Russian officers were to be shifted to the north of Germany. We knew that meant a thorough search for the following day. Once before we had undergone a search but fortunately the Germans were deceived by the exemplary conduct of the men in my barracks, and passed us by. I had a complete set of tools, over 100 large screws taken from all the doors in the camp, and four long chains made out of wire, which, a few days previously, had enclosed the tennis court. All these things were necessary in almost any plan of escape that we might devise, and I could not afford to lose them. In the other barracks they found several compasses, maps and other contraband. On one aviator they found a map sewed inside the double seat of his trousers. This cost him six days solitary confinement. But we had suffered one disaster in this search; that was the loss of our material for ladder building which we had prepared out of bedslats after prolonged efforts.

On Sunday, October 6th, the day before the Russians were to leave camp, I called a meeting in my barracks of the 12 other officers whom I knew were interested in getting away. I insisted that we go that night. Our plan was to try and go over or cut through the fences in different parts of the yard simultaneously. We divided up into four teams, I had the first team, consisting of two aviators and myself; Major Brown the second team, consisting of one of the aviator and two infantry officers; Lieutenant Willis of the Lafayette Escadrille the third team, consisting of three other aviators; the fourth team was composed of two aviators who decided to go at the last minute.

The defensive works of the camp consisted first of the barred windows in the barracks which ran along parallel to the outer fences; then a ditch filled with barbed wire and surmounted by a 4 ft. barbed wire fence. This was about 8 feet outside the line of barracks. About 7 feet outside the ditch was the last artificial defence -- a barbed wire fence about 8 or 10 feet high with top wires curved inward out of the vertical plane of the rest of the fence. This was to prevent anyone from climbing over, which would have been simple with a fence straight up and down. Outside the outer fence was a line of sentries about one for every 30 yards, and inside the yard there were two sentries who patrolled at their discretion.

The plan of the first team was to cut the iron grating of the window in my barracks and launch a bridge through the opening out to the top of the outer barbed wire fence. We were to then crawl along the bridge and drop down outside the wire. The second team had wire cutters and were to cut through the outer wire. The third team were to go out of the main gate with the guard off duty when it rushed out in pursuit of the other teams. The fourth team were to build a small ladder and climb over the outer fence.

At 10:30 the barrack lights were turned out as usual. Shortly afterwards the signal was given and a team consisting of doctors threw the chains and short circuited all the lighting circuits in the camp.

I have never been able to find out how the other teams fared, except to know that Willis of the third team and one of the fourth team got out of the camp. My team were more successful. The night before one of the officers and I stole out to the tennis court and brought into my barracks the two long wooden battens used as markers. We hid them under the beds. They were about 2 1/2 inches wide, one inch thick, and were 18 ft. long. I had had my eye on them for a long time because they were the only things in the camp to reach from the window ledge to the outer barbed wire fence. They were very light and of course would not hold any weight, but I had a plan to remedy that. Two Army officers who did not care to go were to launch the bridge through the window to the outer fence, leaving the three foot over-lap on the inboard side. When we crawled over the bridge they would then put their weight on the ends that overlapped and this would neutralize the great bending moment at the middle of the span.

I had stolen Red Cross food boxes and with the boards from these I made little slats which when screwed to the long battens (nailing would have attracted the guards) would make a very passible bridge. In the afternoon one of my team and I cut and filed the grating in my window. It had to be done when the guards were at the end of their beats outside, but we finally finished by dark. After last muster at 7 P.M. we began on the bridge and finished it by 10 o'clock. I then blackened it with shoe blacking so it would not appear white in the darkness.

As the lights went out the bridge was thrown across and the smallest in the team of three crawled out. I was second and the heaviest man third. When the bridge struck the outer fence, the nearest guards ran to the spot singing out: "Halt-Halt." As the first man reached the end of the bridge and dropped to the ground outside, I was beside him before he could straighten up and coaching him I dashed past the guards who were then within a few feet of us preparing to fire. As we passed them they fired, and the flash of the gun on my right almost scorched my hair. Then I heard the third man jump to the ground. We continued to run directly away from the camp and the whole side opened fire. It was a starlight night, but so dark they could not see to fire so although the bullets were singing all around us, we were not hit. By our thus drawing the fire, the other teams had a fine opportunity to cut their way out.

A few minutes later the guard of about 40 men sleeping in the guard house rushed out of the main gate in answer to the firing, and Willie came out with them, was fired on, but finally kept his rendezvous with me about two miles away. Knowing that in a few minutes the battalion of at least 300 men together with hounds would be on our trail we headed across country and put several miles between us and the camp. We continued thus for six days and nights, walking mostly in the night time, never on roads and bridges, which are patrolled, but through the rivers, fields and mountains, and finally on the 7th night we came to the Rhine.

We had travelled about 120 miles, although the distance as the crow flies is perhaps only 40 miles. We had a little food in our pockets, but lived mostly on the raw vegetables in the fields. When we came to the Rhine we spent about four hours trying to get past the sentries, and finally had to crawl the last half mile on our hands and knees down the bed of a mountain creek.

About 2 A.M. Sunday, October 13, we were crouching in the water at the mouth of this creek where it flows into the Rhine. The hardest fight was still before us. In whispers we discussed the next move and then took off most of our clothes. As we steeped farther out, the current caught us and swept us away. The stream at this point is 200 meters wide and has a current of 12 kilometers an hour. The water was like ice and when I had been carried to the center of the stream I couldn't get out. After fighting for ten minutes, I made one last effort and managed to get past the worst of the center, and then just as the last of my strength had gone my feet touched the rocks.

I was then in Switzerland. After a rest I crawled up the bank and in a few minutes found a house where I was taken in and put to bed. The next morning I was turned over to the gendarmes. They had also located Willis in a house about three miles further down where he found himself after his swim.

The Swiss were elated when they heard we were Americans. They look us to Berne and turned us over to the American Legation on October 15th, where we were provided with passports. While there, we were interviewed by the American Commission for the exchange of prisoners of war. We borrowed money from the American Red Cross and proceeded to Paris and there awaited orders from October 18th to 21st. I was ordered to London where I had asked to be sent, arrived October 23rd, and reported to Vice Admiral Sims to whom I gave my information in the form of a detailed report. The British Admiralty asked for me for three days and it was November 2nd before I left England, being then ordered to report to the Bureau of Navigation, Washington, D.C., where I arrived November 11, 1918.

In my many plans for escape, I had primarily before me the desire to accomplish something in the way of checking the activities of the German submarines. In the First place I wanted to recommend that convoys in crossing the war zone should frequently change or zig-zag the base course itself. Second, that each ship have two depth bombs in a power boat, which upon the approach of the submarine after the sinking of the ship could be dropped alongside. I would have had an ideal opportunity to sink the U.90 had I known before my capture what I know now. Unfortunately the President Lincoln had not a single power boat, although we had fought for one for six months previous to this. Third, that steps be taken to set a "plane" guard at North Rona Island to attack U.boats when they visited the island, and Fourth, to plot the path of the submarine and identify the rendezvous which I was sure I could find again were I able to get back and lead one of our own submarines over the same ground.

It seemed to me that the Straits of Dover were to[o] well guarded for submarines to get back that way -- that the North Sea around Heligoland was so well mined that there was no longer a safe entrance there, and that the one way left was through Danish waters; either the Great Belt, the Little Belt, or the Sound. When I was sure it was the Sound, I felt if we could effectively plug that up, we would have them contained. My confidence in the correctness of this estimate of the situation was such that I did not hesitate to risk my life in getting back with the information. My only regret is that it has taken me so long to accomplish my purpose.

SUPPLEMENT

APROPOS OF THE TREATMENT OF PRISONERS

The French and the British have an agreement with the Germans covering the treatment of prisoners of war. A British officer who feels that his treatment is not in accordance with what he is entitled to, insists upon his rights, and usually gets them. The Americans, however, appear to have no rights which the Germans are bound to respect. For any infraction of the German rules of discipline we were punished as they saw fit. For example, one Infantry Officer was given six days solitary confinement for having written the word "Boche" in his diary while lying wounded in a German hospital. Another who had tried to escape by jumping from the train and had been recaptured before he had gotten more than 100 yards away, was beaten by guards with their guns until he was safe again on the train. The officer in charge of the transport watched the proceedings with a smile on his face. Several aviators who were caught after trying to escape were locked up in solitary confinement for two or three weeks, until their punishment was awarded by the Munich Government; and although it called for only 8 days solitary confinement, and they had already served more than their sentence, they were held in their cells eight more days. Two aviators who were suspected of having the intention of escaping were put in cells and kept there until after nine days of threatening and letter writing to the Danish, Swiss and Spanish Embassies, they were released. The Germans fear nothing but reprisals. They know no law but that of force, and like all bullies they were easily bluffed when we threatened like punishment to their prisoners -- especially when the Allies were winning.

Up to the first of August their arrogance was intolerable. They destroyed my official letters, written as by the Senior Officer at the camp to the Red Cross and to the Spanish Ambassador; at least the letters were never received, and we had reason to believe that they were destroyed. They refused us every request. We had no Chaplains, but they would not allow us to go out to the church in Villingen although we gave our parole. They gave us Russian soldiers as orderlies, although we asked for American, British or French, who were just as easy to get, and with whom some of us at least could talk. No one of course could speak Russian. They gave us only one latrine, which was also used by the Russian orderlies, some of whom were so ill with disease they could hardly walk. This latrine was the filthiest and most insanitary place I have ever seen. The barracks in which we lived had 20 officers in each room and the fleas thrived in spite of all our efforts to get rid of them. We asked the Commandant and finally the doctor to give us sulphur or cyanide or something to act as a disinfectant, but they paid no heed to our requests. They stole some of the food and clothing out of our Red Cross parcels, and even refused to give us the wooden boxes in which the food was sent -- we needed these badly as firewood to cook up the little food they allowed to reach us. All these may seem mere trifles, but they were affairs of considerable magnitude to us in our struggle for existence.

I have mentioned only a few of our troubles. It would be impossible to enumerate the thousand little annoyances the Germans practiced on us. But this will give some idea of our condition there as prisoners of war and will partially explain why every prisoner of war will be the avowed enemy of Germany and everything German to the day at his death.

Medal of Honor citation

 

Reverse of Izac's Medal of Honor. He received the "Tiffany Cross" version of the medal.

Rank and organization: Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. Place and date: Aboard German submarine U-90 as prisoner of war, May 21, 1918. Entered service at: Illinois. Born: December 18, 1891, Cresco, Howard County, Iowa.

Citation:

When the U.S.S. President Lincoln was attacked and sunk by the German submarine U-90, on May 21, 1918, Lt. Izac was captured and held as a prisoner on board the U-90 until the return of the submarine to Germany, when he was confined in the prison camp. During his stay on the U-90 he obtained information of the movements of German submarines which was so important that he was determined to escape, with a view to making this information available to the U.S. and Allied Naval authorities. In attempting to carry out this plan, he jumped through the window of a rapidly moving train at the imminent risk of death, not only from the nature of the act itself but from the fire of the armed German soldiers who were guarding him. Having been recaptured and reconfined, Lt. Izac made a second and successful attempt to escape, breaking his way through barbed-wire fences and deliberately drawing the fire of the armed guards in the hope of permitting others to escape during the confusion. He made his way through the mountains of southwestern Germany, having only raw vegetables for food, and at the end, swam the River Rhine during the night in the immediate vicinity of German sentries.